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date: 23 October 2019

(p. 857) Subject Index

(p. 857) Subject Index

9/11 terrorist attacks, and presidential response to 612
accountability:
and the presidency 430–1
and unilateral action 489
activist polarization 291–2
administrative presidency, and emergence of 72–6
administrative strategies 578, 596
and agency reorganization 592–3
future research 593
and appointment powers 586–92, 604
appointee competence 588–9
appointee discretion 587–8
appointee effectiveness 589–90
appointee loyalty 588
appointee opportunities 588
constraints on appointees 589
future research 590
implementation 588
motivations for using 586
Senior Executive Services (SES) 589
understanding bureaucrats' motivations 590–2
and assumptions underlying 578
and bureaucracy reorganization and management 605–7
and centralization of policy making 579–83
agency design 581
agency reaction to 582
bureaucratic pathologies 580
changes in governance structures 582–3
conflict 580
constraints on 580–2
development of 579–80
future research on 582
implementation 580
organizational structures 581–2
paradoxes of 580
policy outcomes 582
and effectiveness of 578–9
and implementation of 579
and incentives for using 603
and instruments of 578
and justifications of 578
and pragmatic use of 578
and regulatory clearance and program evaluation in OMB 583–6
future research 584–6
implementation 584, 585
lack of capacity 584
staffing problems 583–4
and unilateral action 594–6, 610–12
constraints on 595
executive orders 594
future research 595–6
signing statements 594
and use of 578
Advocacy and Public Policymaking project 420
Afghanistan 732
agenda‐setting, and the presidency 127–8
and constraints on 128
and definition of agenda 108
and definition of policy problems 110–12
competition over 111–12
and determinants of issue agenda 118–19
and economic issues 124
and evaluating success of 319–21
and expectations of president 109
and foreign policy 124, 683–6
and future research 109–10, 126–7
and institutional agenda 109, 117
Budget and Accounting Act (1920) 123–4
bureaucracy 119
executive venues 117–20
judicial venues 120–2
legislative agenda 124–5
legislative program 123, 145
legislative venue 122–6
State of the Union message 122–3
unilateral action 119–20
and issue attention 115–16
and leadership 127
and legislative skills 315–17, 323
bargaining and compromising 325–6
contact and consultation 324–5
evaluating impact of 327–9
packaging 317–18
position taking 321–2
prioritizing 317
rewards and sanctions 326–7
timing 318–19
(p. 858)
veto threats 322–3
and media 111
and national security 124
and news media influence 276–8
and partisan polarization 296–8
coalition building 297
divided government 305–7
impact of 295
measuring presidential success 298–301
public appeals 301–4
relationship with party leaders 296
strategies 296
veto threats 297–8
and policy priming 175
and presidential rhetoric 175
and role in 109–10
and systemic agenda 108–9, 112
crowding out other issues 117
electoral cycle 116
experimental research 117
focusing public attention 114–15
future research 115–17
issue attention 115–16
issue selection 116
presidential popularity 116
relations with media 112–14
timing 116
and theories of agenda‐setting 110–12
and unilateral action 119–20, 481
and variable influence on 128 see also opinion leadership, and the president
al Qaeda 436
ambiguity, as presidential resource 611, 614
American Bar Association 488
American Law Division (ALD) 799, 800
American National Election Study 280
American political development (APD) 52–3
and advantages of approach 52
and distinctiveness of 58
and governance vs leadership 57–8
and historical institutionalism 55
and institutional change 58
and patterned development 58–9
and political development:
definition of 56
nature of 55–6
and the presidency 56–7
constitutional change 64–7
emergence of administrative presidency 72–6
emergence of plebiscitary presidency 67–71
partisan‐programmatic regime change 62–4
presidency‐public nexus 67
relationship with sovereign authority 59–62
and presidentialization of politics 59
American Political Science Association 798
American Presidency Project 224
Annenberg/Pew Archive of Presidential Campaign Discourse 224
Anti‐Federalist Papers 728
Anti‐Federalists:
and popular leadership 212
and war and presidential power 728
Anti‐Lobbying Act (1919) 413
anxiety, and presidential approval 242
appointments, presidential:
and administrative strategies 586–92
appointee competence 588–9
appointee discretion 587–8
appointee effectiveness 589–90
appointee loyalty 588
appointee opportunities 588
constraints on appointees 589
future research 590
implementation 588
motivations for using 586
Senior Executive Services (SES) 589
understanding bureaucrats' motivations 590–2
and politicization of 15–16, 17
and strategic relevance of 604
and transitions 93–5 see also Supreme Court, and presidential nominations to
appropriations:
and comparison of proposed and final 19
and war and presidential power 733–4
approval, presidential, see presidential approval
Authorization to Use Military Force (AUMF) 436
Baghdad, and missile strike against (1993) 239
bargaining:
and leadership 478–9
and presidential‐congressional relations 325–6
and Supreme Court nominations 635–6
Bay of Pigs invasion 505
bias, and presidential news 261–2, 263
content bias 262, 263
decision‐making bias 263–4
distortion bias 261, 262
bounded rationality, and decision‐making 559, 566
Brownlow Committee 501
Budget and Accounting Act (1920):
and emergence of administrative presidency 75–6
and president's agenda‐setting power 123–4
Budget and Impoundment Act (1974) 464
Bureau of the Budget (BOB) 606 (p. 859)
and emergence of administrative presidency 75
and president's agenda‐setting power 123
bureaucracy:
and centralization 603, 606, 607
and deinstitutionalization of 602–3
and emergence of administrative presidency 72–6
and neutral competence 601, 602–4
economic theory 608–10
new relevance of 616
reassertion of 604
reorganization and management 605–7
and politicization of 14–17, 603, 606, 607
game theoretic analysis 42–3
and presidential influence on 601
economic theory 608–10
reorganization and management 605–7
and presidential power over 119
and responsiveness 601, 603, 604, 606
by‐product theory, and soft news 273
cabinet:
and interest group lobbying on nominations 411
and presidential transitions 92–3
campaign finance, and interest groups 418
Canadian‐United States free trade agreement (1988) 708–9
Center for Media and Public Affairs 264
Center for Responsive Politics 418
Central Intelligence Agency 582
centralization:
as administrative strategy 579–83
and bureaucracy 603, 606, 607
and emergence of administrative presidency 72, 74
and quantitative research on 14–15, 17
chief of staff:
and presidential decision‐making 539
and transitions 92
Civil Service Reform Act (1978) 589
Civil War, and presidential power 729
Clean Air Act (1970) 587, 652
Clinton Library 780
CNN 275
cognitive dissonance theory, and decision‐making 558
Cold War, and presidential power 732, 733
communications:
and agenda‐setting 112–13
and emergence of plebiscitary presidency 70
and transitions 95–6 see also media
concomitants of nationality 459
Congress, US:
and agenda‐setting, presidential 111–12, 295, 296–8
coalition building 297
divided government 305–7
evaluating success of 319–21
impact of legislative skills 327–9
influence on 122–6
as instrument of influence 315–17
measuring presidential success 298–301
packaging 317–18
position taking 321–2
prioritizing 318
public appeals 301–4
relationship with party leaders 296
strategies 296
timing 318–19
veto threats 297–8, 322–3
and checks on presidential power 646, 656
and divided government 304–7
and executive orders 479–80
and foreign policy 668
congressional investigations 673
delegation hypothesis 703–4
determinants of influence on 687–8
failure to influence 672
influence hypothesis 704
influence on 670–4, 707, 718
influence on military operations 671–2, 673–4
influencing policy agenda 684, 685–6
partisan composition 670–1
role of individual members 673
signaling to foreign actors 681–2
uncertain domestic ratification 701–3
and oversight 580
and partisan polarization 291
consequences for law making 293–5
institutional change 294
party competition 293–4
and party leadership 290
and political parties:
role of 290
strengthened position of 294
and presidential interaction with 323
bargaining and compromising 325–6
contact and consultation 324–5
rewards and sanctions 326–7
and presidential transitions 96–7
and presidential unilateral action 448
conflicts over 433–4
warrantless wiretaps 434–8
and reactions to prerogative governance:
if policy fails/loses support 463–4
if policy oversteps boundaries 464–5
if policy works 463
(p. 860)
and war:
Founder's intentions 725–8
influence on conduct of 670–1
presidential power 732–4
Constitution, US:
and ambiguity in 611
and constitutional change 64
role of president 64–7
and executive powers 456–8
and institutional struggles over 72–3
and popular leadership 211–12
Constitution Project 812
constitutional change, and the presidency 64–7
constitutional law, see public law
constitutional moments, and extraordinary politics 65
constitutionalism 784–5
and situational constitutionalism 785–6
consultation, and presidential‐congressional relations 324–5
Council of State Governments 408
crises:
and decision‐making 541
and leadership 613–14
and opinion leadership 200–1
and presidential approval 239–40
Cuban missile crisis, and decision‐making 505, 507, 509–10, 520
culture war, and voter polarization 292
decision‐making, presidential:
and action dispensability 550, 551
and actor dispensability 550, 551
and beliefs 555–7
and cognitive processes 532, 557, 558
and decision processes 530
and decision unit 530, 561
and emotional factors 532
and environmental factors 534–5
choice environment 534
institutional context 534–5
personal relationships 535
political context 534
and extra‐cognitive processes 558–9
and groupthink 505–6, 507, 533, 561
and ill‐structured problems 558
and influences on 530–1
and information processing style 532
and interplay of influences on 535–6
and judgment 532
and leadership style 531, 554, 555, 562
typologies of 562–3
and models of 565–9
acceptability principle 565
bounded rationality 566
game theory 566–9
non‐compensatory rationality model 565
prospect theory 565–6, 568
risk calculation 565, 568
and nature of decision‐making 529–30
and neuroscience research 558–9
and personal/institutional dichotomy 550
and personality traits 532, 561
comparative studies 553–4
conceptualizing 552–3
interview analysis 555
leadership style 555, 562
motivations 554–5
personality studies 553–5
and policy decisions 530
and political concerns 530
and presidential advisers 536–7
advisory system 537
chief of staff 539
experience 540
honest broker 538
national security assistant 538–9
relationships among 540
relationships with president 538, 562
roles of 538
skills 540
staff structures 537–8
and presidential agency 529
and psychological models of 558–60, 569
alliance with rational choice models 558, 559–60, 562
cognitive differentiation 560
cognitive integration 560
cognitive shortcuts 561
holistic view of rational decision‐making 563–4
limitations of 557–8
strength of 560
and psychology of 551
and rational choice approach to 550, 558, 559, 560, 562
and research on 528–9, 551
conceptual emphases 540–2
contingentist perspective 542
data sources 542
decision theories 540–1
empirical testing 543
focus on crises 541
focus on national security issues 541
future research 543–4, 569–70
limitations of information 542–3
methodological observations 542–3
orientation of 541
(p. 861)
prescriptive emphasis 543
problem‐driven 544
and short‐term orientation 539
and small group dynamics 533
and structural arrangements 533–4, 561–2
democracy:
and meaning of 162
and representation 162
and responsiveness to citizen preferences 162
Department of Homeland Security (DHS) 612
development, and presidential history 749–50
and changed views of ‘traditional’ presidency 758
and development as institutional derangement 753–7
and development as original intent 762–5
and dynamic nature of office 751
and equivalence of forms 760
and future research 766–7
and historical research 750
and modern presidency:
challenging distinctiveness of 758–61
questioning of concept 757–8
rise of 750
and paradigm of development 750, 751
challenges to 752–3, 761, 762
reassessment of 754
and post‐progressive critics 754, 756–7
party accountability 755–6
presidential war powers 756
relevance of past practices 754–5
rhetorical practices 755
and progressive approach to 753–4, 762
and progressive reform 751
and public appeals 755, 759–60
and questioning of development 758
and realignment of support for presidential empowerment 751–2
and research on contemporary presidency 750–1
and revisionists 752
and rhetorical practices 759–61
and unitary executive theory 762–5
DICTION content analysis program 224–5
disaster management 614
distributive politics, and vetoes 364–5, 376–7
divided government:
and congressional investigations 388, 392
and delegation to executive branch 390
and executive orders 391, 461, 482
and future research 393
comparative studies 394–5
enlarging datasets 393
party responsiveness 396–8
role of courts 393–4
temporal factors 395–6
and government effectiveness 387
and impact of 304–5, 384, 392, 398
legislative process 305–7, 383
and institutional combat 387
and legislative productivity 387–8, 390, 391
significant legislation 389–90
and oversight hearings 384
and policy production 390
and political parties 384, 398–9
as cartels 390–1
critique of 388–9
in separated powers system 384–7
and separation of powers system 388
and presidential approval 242, 392
and presidential news 264–5
and president's use of military powers 392
and return of 383
and separation of powers system 388
and unilateral action 391–2, 439–40, 442
and vetoes 34, 323, 366, 373–4, 384, 392, 461
domestic policy, and media attention 114
economic issues:
and media attention 114
and presidential approval 236, 238–9
and presidential attention to 118
and presidential rhetoric 220
and president's agenda‐setting power 124
economic theory, and bureaucratic design 608–10
education, and idealization of presidency 139–40, 152
elections:
and 1932 election 65–6
and early rhetorical practice 215
and extraordinary politics 65
and normal politics 65
and presidential approval 242–3
impact on congressional elections 346–7
and presidential vetoes 33, 34
and responsiveness to citizen preferences 162
Electoral College 161
as mediating institution 60, 142
and popular leadership 212
electoral cycle:
and presidential responsiveness 168
and public expectations of president 151
and vetoes 375, 376
Electronic Rulemaking project 607
elites:
and elite polarization 291
and institutional pluralism 18
Employment Act (1946) 124, 144
(p. 862) Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) 652
European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) 710
exchange theory, and news production 268
executive agreements 439–40, 486–7, 681
and growth in use of 479
and war 734
Executive Office of the President (EOP) 314
and centralization of authority 14, 15
and creation of 501
and emergence of administrative presidency 74, 75
and growth of 144
and interest groups 407–9, 421
and politicization of appointments 14
Executive Order 129–91 73
Executive Order 132–33 780
executive orders 481–6
and administrative strategies 594
and agency creation 485
and agenda‐setting 119
and Congress 479–80
ideological composition 483–4
and divided government 391, 461, 482
and interest groups 410–11
and party‐based models 484
and policy content 433, 486
and policy making 485
and strategic use of 482–4
and temporal effects:
institutionalization of presidency 484
timing 485
and transitions 96
and types of:
content 486
policy categories 486
significant vs insignificant 485
and unified government 482
and use of 481–2
and war 734
Executive Reorganization Act (1939) 75, 753
expectation of the president, see public expectations of the president
extraordinary rendition 808–9
FBI 468
Federal Election Commission 418
Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) 612
federal government, and public expectations of 74
Federal Reserve Board 146
Federalist Papers:
and legislative dominance in war 725–6
and nature of presidency 137, 138, 210
and presidential powers 457
and separation of powers 457
Federalist Society 491–2, 626
Federalists, and popular leadership 212
filibusters, and vetoes 367
First World War, and presidential power 729
Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA, 1978) 434, 435, 437–8, 464, 468
foreign policy:
and Congress 668
congressional investigations 673
determinants of influence of 687–8
failure to influence 672
influence of 670–4, 707, 718
influence on military operations 671–2, 673–4
influencing policy agenda 684, 685–6
partisan composition 670–1
role of individual members 673
signaling to foreign actors 681–2
and domestic politics 668–70, 686–7, 697, 718–19
political and strategic determinants of influence of 687–8
and executive agreements 439–40, 479, 486–7, 681
and interest groups 668, 675, 679, 688
and judicial checks on presidential power 649, 650, 657–8, 674–5, 679, 688
and mechanisms of domestic political influence on 686
influencing policy agenda 683–6
raising/lowering domestic political costs 676–80
signaling to foreign actors 681–3
and media attention 113–14, 684–5, 686
and national interest 669
and National Security Directives 489
and presidential power 124, 667–8
lack of constraints on 668
and public opinion 677–80, 717
and trade agreements 705–6, 716–17
and ‘two presidencies’ 668, 669, 700
and two‐level games 698, 701, 706
Congress's influence 703
delegation hypothesis 703–4
domestic actors' preferences 706–7
evidence for 707
influence hypothesis 704
uncertain domestic ratification 701–3 see also international cooperation; international organizations; war
Founding era:
and constitutionalism 785
and nature of presidency 60, 61
and popular leadership 142, 211–12
and war and presidential power 725–8
Fox Cable News 263, 275
(p. 863) framing:
and opinion leadership 190–3
and packaging of legislative proposals 317–18
and presidential approval 244, 245
and presidential rhetoric 221
Franklin Roosevelt Memorial 139
game theory, and the presidency 31–2, 46
and decision‐making 557, 566–9
and foreign policy, two‐level games 698, 701–5
and future research 42–3
politicization 42–3
president‐party relations 42
unilateral powers 42
and limitations of approach 43
limits to explanation 44–5
multiple solutions or equilibria 45–6
technical feasibility in complex environments 43–4
and misconceptions about:
assumption of rationality 44
restating what is already known 45
value of 45–6
and presidential news 268–9
and presidential vetoes 32–6, 470–1
blame game model 33–5, 367–8, 375–6
legislative influence 35–6
and public opinion 36–40
future research 39–40
public appeals 37–9
responsiveness to 39–40
targeted appeals 38–9
and Supreme Court nominations 40–2
and unilateral action 470–2
and use of 31
gender:
and presidential approval 247
and Supreme Court nominations 629, 631
General Services Administration, and transition 90
Geneva Conventions 468
globalization, and international relations 697, 700
‘going public’, see public appeals
governance:
and American political development 57
emergence of administrative presidency 72–6
emergence of plebiscitary presidency 67–71
and changes in structures 582–3
and prerogative governance 460–2
credibility 462
organization of 461–2
parallel governance 468–9
secrecy 462
Government Accountability Office (GAO) 584
groupthink 505–6, 507, 533
and decision‐making 561
historical institutionalism:
and advantages of approach 52
and American political development:
definition of political development 56
nature of political development 55–6
and approach of 53–4, 77
and distinctiveness of 54
contestation among institutions 54–5
partial character of reform 54
temporal origins of institutions 54
and presidential action 76–7 see also American political development (APD)
human rights, and international cooperation 709–12
Humphrey‐Hawkins Act (1978) 124
idealization, and presidency 139, 149
ideological legislation, and vetoes 377–8
ideology, and Supreme Court nominations 629–31, 633–4
image‐based expectations, see public expectations of the president
indexing hypothesis, and presidential news 265–6
individualized pluralism 18, 146
information environment, and presidential news 266
institutional change:
and American political development 58
constitutional change 64–7
emergence of administrative presidency 72–6
emergence of plebiscitary presidency 67–71
partisan‐programmatic regime change 62–4
presidency‐public nexus 67
and political development 55–6
institutional pluralism 18, 146
institutional presidency, and leadership 602, 613–15
integrated presidential strategy 379–80
interest groups:
and Congress 403, 405
and courts 404, 405
and executive branch 403
contacts between 404
and foreign policy 675, 679, 688
and foreign policy issues 668
and funding of presidential candidates 406
and institutionalization of relations with presidency 405, 407–9
Executive Office of the President (EOP) 407–9
growth of 409
(p. 864)
Office of Intergovernmental Affairs (OIA) 408
Office of Legislative Affairs (OLA) 408
Office of Political Affairs (OPA) 408
Office of Public Liaison 407–8
typology of linkages 408–9
and lobbying 409–10
of the president 410–12
by the president 412–16
and oversight function 406–7, 420–1
and party polarization 406
and the presidency 403, 404–5, 421
contacts between 404
difficulties in studying relations 404
interactions between 406
lack of research on relations 404–5
and presidential coalition‐building 405–6, 412, 413
and researching interactions with president 416–17
campaign funding 418
influence on 418
informal relations 418–19
oversight role 420–1
policy agenda 417–18
presidential policy/interest group database 419–20
problems with 417
and Supreme Court nominations 626–7 see also lobbying
international cooperation, and presidency 697, 698, 699
and delegation to international organizations 698, 708
human rights 709–12
trade policy 708–9
and growth of research on 699, 718–19
explanation of 699–700
and trade agreements 705–6, 716–17
and two‐level games 701, 706
Congress's influence 703
delegation hypothesis 703–4
domestic actors' preferences 706–7
evidence for 707
influence hypothesis 704
uncertain domestic ratification 701–3
International Crisis Behavior Project 671
International Economic Powers Act 460
international organizations:
and approval of use of force 712–13, 715–16
and electoral incentives for consulting 713–14
and growth in number of 700
and informational benefits of 712, 717
and presidential delegation to 698, 708
human rights 709–12
trade policy 708–9
and public opinion 714, 717
information transmission 714–15
and realist approach to 699
and trade agreements 716–17 see also foreign policy
international relations (IR):
and domestic politics 668–70, 697, 700, 718–19
and national interest 669
and realism 668, 699 see also foreign policy
International Trade Commission 708
interpersonal tactics, and relations with Congress:
bargaining and compromising 325–6
contact and consultation 324–5
rewards and sanctions 326–7
Iran‐Contra affair 464, 465, 466, 489, 787
Iraq War 724, 732, 738
judicial appointments, and game theoretic analysis 40–2 see also Supreme Court, and presidential nominations to
judiciary:
and checks on presidential power 646–7
Chevron doctrine for judicial review of administrative action 651–2, 659
confrontations 655
evasion of judicial decisions 655
executive anticipation of 660
executive‐judicial relations 653
foreign policy 679, 688
foreign policy issues 649, 650, 657–8, 674–5
future research 661–2
impact of external factors 657
impact of war 658
insulation from judicial review 655–6
judicial decision‐making 656–60
judicial ideology 657, 659
national security issues 658
nature of 647
panel effects 659–60
political question doctrine 648–9
presidential approval 657
presidential shaping of courts 653–4
role of Congress 656
role of Solicitor General 655
scope of 646
scope of presidential authority 649–51
and divided government 393–4
and interest groups 404
and presidential agenda‐setting 120–2
(p. 865)
and unilateral action 448, 480–1
and war and presidential power 735–6 see also Supreme Court
K Street Project 414–16
Katrina, Hurricane 614
Korean War 724, 730
and debate about legality of 801–2
Arthur Schlesinger 804–5
Henry Steele Commager 802–4
Richard Neustadt 805–8
Kyoto Protocol 710
law cases:
ALA Schechter v US (1935) 66
American Civil Liberties Union et al v National Security Agency (2007) 438
Baker v Carr (1962) 649
Boumediene v Bush 674 n4
Bowsher v Synar 800 n3
Callins v Collins (1994) 640
Campbell v Clinton 674 n2
Chevron v Natural Resource Defense Council (1984) 652
Chicago and Southern Air Lines v Waterman SS Corp (1948) 435 n1
Dellums v Bush 674 n2
Doe v Bush 674 n2
Gore v Bush (2000) 785
Hamdan v Rumsfeld 674 n4, 679
Hamdi v Rumsfeld 674 n4, 679
Humphrey's Executor 765
Korematsuo 468
Luther v Borden (1840) 648
Mapp 641
Marbury v Madison (1803) 648, 799
Miranda 641
Mitchell v Laird 674 n.2
Rasul v Bush 674 n4, 679
Roe v Wade (1973) 199, 641
Rumsfeld v Padilla 674 n4
Totten v United States (1876) 435 n1
United States v Curtiss‐Wright Export Corp (1936) 468 n1, 650, 651
United States v Katz (1967) 435
United States v United States District Court (1972) 435
Youngstown Sheet and Tube v Sawyer (1952) 443, 649–50, 651, 765
leadership, presidential:
and agenda‐setting 127
and American political development 57
and bargaining model 478–9
and changed understanding of 614–15
and collaborative leadership 790–1
as elusive concept 817
and emergence of plebiscitary presidency 68–71
and exploiting opportunities for change 822, 823, 826, 827, 834
as facilitation 822–4, 825–6, 827
and facilitators vs directors 823
and future research 835
and ‘great man’ view of 824
and historical inevitability 824–5
and impact of congressional weakness 332–3
creating unrealistic expectations 333
crisis rhetoric 334
(p. 866)
increased organizational demands 333
unilateral action 333–4
and importance of understanding 828–30
lessons for White House 831–2
Roosevelt's court packing plan 833–4
and institutional context 823
and institutional presidency 602, 613–15
and leadership style 531
and legislative leadership 826–7
and performance‐based expectations 145
and permanent campaigning 831, 832
as persuasion 817–18, 825, 826
explaining change 821–2
faith in 821–2
lack of evidence for 821
Neustadt's model 818–20
and public opinion 826, 831
and public organizations 615
and reshaping political landscape 826
and response to crises 613–14
9/11 terrorist attacks 612
Hurricane Katrina 614
and significance of presidents 825–7
and theoretical thinking about 817
and transformational leadership 820–1, 825, 827
and unilateral powers model of presidency 429, 479–81 see also agenda‐setting; decision‐making; opinion leadership
learning, and presidential decision‐making 517
learning theory, and decision‐making 558
Lebanon 724–5
legislative skills, presidential:
and definition of 311
and evaluating impact of 327–9
and evaluating success of 319–21
and interpersonal tactics 323
bargaining and compromising 325–6
contact and consultation 324–5
rewards and sanctions 326–7
and leadership 332–3
creating unrealistic expectations 333
crisis rhetoric 334
increased organizational demands 333
unilateral action 333–4
and methodology 329
case studies 329–30
problems with 331–2
quantitative studies 330
and nature of 314
and need for 311–12
and Neustadt on 312
and research on:
difficulties with 312–13
hypothesis‐testing studies 313
measurement difficulties 313
and structural instruments of influence 315
agenda‐setting 315–17
evaluating agenda success 319–21
packaging 317–18
position taking 321–2
prioritizing 317
timing 318–19
veto threats 322–3
Liberia, and military intervention 685–6
Libya, and air strike against (1986) 239
lobbying, and interest groups 409–10
by the president 412–16
advantages held by 413
coalition building 412, 413
inclusive‐exclusive dimensions 414
K Street Project 414–16
partisanship context 414–15
representation‐programmatic dimensions 414
restrictions on 413
and Congress 412
of the president 410–12
executive orders 410–11
placing items on agenda 410
policy importance 411
presidential appointments and nominations 411
questionable effectiveness of 412
secrecy surrounding 412
veto 411 see also interest groups
loss aversion, and constraints on opinion change 189
mandate, presidential 319
and emergence of 70–1, 214–15
media:
and agenda‐setting:
influence on 276–8
systemic agenda 112–14
and domestic policy issues 114
and economic issues 114
and foreign policy 684–5, 686
and foreign policy issues 113–14
and image‐based expectations of president 141
and increase in news outlets 233
and presidential approval 243, 246
and presidential relations with 112
and public appeals 18
shaping public opinion 176
and State of the Union message 113
and transitions 95–6 see also news, presidential
median voter theorem 165
Medicare Modernization Act (MMA) 415
military action, see war
military tribunals 444
Missouri Compromise 36
monuments 139
motivated reasoning, and party identification 238, 247
Mount Rushmore 139
multiple advocacy, and presidential decision‐making 514–15, 534
National Archives and Records Administration 103, 542
National Association of Counties 408
National Conference of State Legislatures 408
National Digital Newspaper Program 779
National Emergencies Act 460
National Governors Association 408
National Guard 614
National Industrial Recovery Act 66
National League of Cities 408
National Security Act (1947) 124, 144, 519
National Security Agency 436, 438, 468
national security, and president's agenda‐setting power 124
national security assistant (NSA) 538–9
National Security Council 519
National Security Directives 479, 481, 489
neuroscience, and decision‐making 558–9
New Deal:
and constitutional change 65–7
and emergence of administrative presidency 74–5
and emergence of plebiscitary presidency 69, 144
and legislative agenda‐setting 123
New Freedom 385
news, presidential:
and agenda‐setting 276–8
and bias 261–2
content bias 262, 263
decision‐making bias 263–4
distortion bias 261, 262
potential impact of 263
(p. 867)
and comparison of local and national coverage 266–7
focus on local media 267
and content of 259–61
policy topics 259–61
symbolic vs substantive 259, 270
and definition of 255
and indexing hypothesis 265–6
and information environment 266
and interdisciplinary approach to 280–1
and limited data on 268, 280
and news management 263, 264, 272
and news production theory 268–70
exchange theory 268
game theory 268–9
incentives of presidents and journalists 269–70
model of 269–70
negotiating the news model 268
president‐journalist relationship 268–9
and presidential approval:
agenda‐setting 276–8
credibility of news organizations 274
differential responses 275–6
diversity of news outlets 275
events vs reporting of events 271, 272
experimental research 278–9
hard vs soft news 272–3
issue salience 273
news system 274
positive vs negative stories 264
reinforcement of views 275
researching news affects on 278–80
types of news 272–4
and public opinion:
impact on 270–1
presidential approval 271–2
and quantity of 255
comparison with congressional news 256–7
diversity of outlets 259
television/newspapers comparison 258–9
trends across media outlets 257–9
trends in newspapers 255–7
and significance of 254–5
and tone of 262–5
divided government 264–5
factors affecting 264–5
foreign policy and national security issues 265–6
individual news outlets 263
journalistic interpretation 263–4
positive vs negative stories 263
president's information advantage 265, 266
slant 262–3
No Child Left Behind Act 587
Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) 609
Office of Communications 141, 267
Office of Domestic Preparedness 612
Office of Environmental Initiatives 408
Office of Faith‐Based and Community Initiatives (OFBCI) 408
Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) 73, 583, 584, 603, 607
Office of Intergovernmental Affairs (OIA) 408
Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) 445–6
Office of Legislative Affairs (OLA) 314, 408
and role of 324
Office of Legislative Liaison, and presidential transitions 97
Office of Management and Budget (OMB) 314, 321, 603
and centralization of regulatory review and program evaluation 583–6
and Electronic Rulemaking project 607
and policy competence 605
and responsive competence 606
Office of Political Affairs (OPA) 408
Office of Public Liaison (OPL) 404
and interest groups 407–8
opinion leadership, and the president 201–2, 776, 826, 831
and approval ratings 244, 249
and assumption of potential for 182–4
and channeling public opinion 198–9
changes in party identification 198–9
and clarifying public opinion 197
articulating public opinion 197–8
understanding public opinion 197
and constraints on opinion change 187–8
adjusting towards equilibrium 188–9
focusing public attention 187
loss aversion 189
obtaining audience 187
overcoming predispositions 187–8
reliance on media 187
resistance to factual information 188
and exploiting existing opinion 190
framing issues 190–3
increasing salience of popular issues 193–6
priming issues 191
and exploiting fluid opinion 199–201
crises 200–1
new issues 199–200
and exploiting public indifference 199
and limitations of 202
and model of presidential public leadership 186–7
and presidential news 254–5
and research on:
framework for 186–7
framing 191–3
(p. 868)
impact of 184–5
impact on subgroups 185–6
neglect of practical impact of 183–4 see also agenda‐setting, and the presidency
opinion polls:
and presidential understanding of public opinion 164
presidential polling 164–5
and reality of citizen preferences 165–7
and responsiveness to public opinion 39–40 see also publico pinion
Opinion Research Corporation 164
organizational structure and presidential decision‐making 533–4
and adhocracy 504
and assessment of:
outcomes 519–20
process 520
and bureaucratic politics 508–10, 514
and causal relationship 511, 512
and centralization 512
and centralized management 504
and collegial system 502
strengths and weaknesses 503
and competitive system 502
strengths and weaknesses 502–3
and context of structure 517–19
broad political environment 519
centralization 519
impact of Congress 519
policy areas 518
political dimension 518–19
stages of decision‐making process 519
and crisis decisions 503
and development of 501–2
and development of White House staff system 513–14
and formalistic system 502
strengths and weaknesses 503
and governmental politics 507–8
and informal networks 504
and leadership style 513
and multiple advocacy 504, 514–15, 534
and organizational culture 510–11
and organizational process 507, 508, 509
and patterns of 503
and presidential fit 515–16
and presidential management 503, 511–12, 513
and research on 521
goals of 521–2
multidisciplinary approach 521
practical value 522
and resolution of disagreements 512
and roles of participants 514
and small groups 504–5
concurrence seeking 505–6
constraints on deliberation 506
groupthink 505, 507
structural arrangements 506
and time dynamics 516–17
organizational learning 517 see also decision‐making
OriginalSources.com 225
oversight hearing, and divided government 384
packaging, and legislative proposals 317–18
Paperwork Reduction Act (1980) 583
pardons, presidential 103, 440, 449
partisan polarization 290–1
and activist polarization 291–2
and consequences for law making 293–5
and elite polarization 291
and foreign policy, influence on 670–1
and impact on candidate selection 294–5, 306
and interest groups 406, 414
and presidential agenda‐setting 295, 296–8
coalition building 297
divided government 305–7
measuring presidential success 298–301
public appeals 301–4
relationship with party leaders 296
strategies 296
veto threats 297–8
and public appeals 303–4
and voters 292–3
party identification:
and changes in 198–9
and presidential approval 235, 238
evaluative criteria 247
impact of major events 239–40
priming effects 245–6 see also partisan polarization
party leadership, and the president 289–90
and congressional agenda‐setting 296
Patriot Act 468
Peace Corps 480
perception, and performance‐based expectations of president 147
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act 587
personality politics, and soft news 273
personnel recruitment, and transitions 93–5
Philadelphia Convention (1787):
and image‐based expectations of president 136–8
and legislative dominance in war 727
and nature of presidency 136–7, 142
plebiscitary presidency, and emergence of 67–71, 143–4
(p. 869) pluralism:
individualized 18, 146
institutional 18, 146
polarization, see partisan polarization
Policy Agendas Project (PAP) 259–61, 278
policy influence:
and presidential vetoes 35–6
and public appeals 37
policy innovation 147
policy making:
and agenda‐setting 127
and centralization of 579–83
and definition of policy problems 110–12
and transitions 96
and unilateral action 119–20
poliheuristic theory, and decision‐making 538
political change, and political development 55–6
political development 55
and definition of 56
and political change 55–6 see also American political development (APD)
political parties:
as cartels 390–1
and critique of 388–9
and divided government 384, 396–9
and functions of 385
and influence of activists 291–2
and legislative function 299
in separated powers system 384–7
and strengthened role in Congress 290, 294 see also partisan polarization; party identification
political science:
and public administration 615–16
and public law 798–9
congressional committees 811–12
entrepreneurial activity of behalf of 812–13
interpretation of 799–800
renewed attention to 808–11
political time 64
politicization:
and bureaucracy 14–17, 603, 606, 607
and emergence of administrative presidency 72, 74
and game theoretic analysis 42–3
and presidential appointments 15–16, 17
politics, and nature of
extraordinary 65
normal 65
position taking 321–2
power, presidential:
and bargaining model 478–9
and belief in 153
and bureaucracies 119
and causal mechanisms 379
and checks on 646
and emergence of administrative presidency 72–6
and emergence of plebiscitary presidency 68–71
and judicial checks on 646–7
Chevron doctrine for judicial review of administrative action 651–2, 659
confrontations 655
evasion of judicial decisions 655
executive anticipation of 660
executive‐judicial relations 653
foreign policy issues 649, 650, 657–8
future research 661–2
impact of external factors 657
impact of war 658
insulation from judicial review 655–6
judicial decision‐making 656–60
judicial ideology 657, 659
national security issues 658
nature of 647
panel effects 659–60
political question doctrine 648–9
presidential approval 657
presidential shaping of courts 653–4
role of Congress 656
role of Solicitor General 655
scope of 646
scope of presidential authority 649–51
and Neustadt's model of 805–8
and political control of bureaucracy 14–17
and strategic model 428–9
and transitions 86
and unilateral powers 21–3
and unilateral powers model of presidency 429, 479–81
and war 724–5
Arthur Schlesinger 804–5
assumption of relation between 725
bureaucratic design 735
Civil War 729
emergence of imperial presidency 730–1
First World War 729
Founding era 725–8
future research on 743
growth during 729–30
Henry Steele Commager 802–4
judicial decision‐making 735–6
Korean War 730
lack of definition of 739–40
lack of theory connecting 740–2
legislation 732–4
limitations of literature on 739–40
post‐Vietnam 731–2
public opinion 736–8
Richard Neustadt 805–8
(p. 870)
Second World War 729
uncertain relation between 738–9
unilateral action/powers 734–5
Vietnam War 730, 731 see also legislative skills; prerogative powers; unilateral action/powers; unitary executive theory
prerogative powers:
and assertion of 461
and concomitants of nationality 459
and constitutional basis of 456–8, 459
and definition of 455
and expansion of 459
and expansive interpretation of 459–60
and explaining use of 465–7
advisory system 466
congressional party 466–7
personality traits 465–6
and hard prerogative 459
and outcomes of 462
backlash effects 463–4
crisis of legitimacy 464–5
expansion of presidential power 463
frontlash effect 462–3
if policy fails/loses support 463–4
if policy works 462–3
overshoot and collapse 464–5
weakening of presidency 465
and parallel governance 468
and prerogative governance 460–2
credibility 462
organization of 461–2
secrecy 462
and public law 458
and research agenda 455–6, 467–72
case studies 469–70
consilience 469
doctrinal studies 467–9
game theory 470–2
power stakes 469
quantitative approach 470
reputational effects 469
and soft prerogative 459–60, 468
and unitary executive theory 467–8
and use of 461
and vetoes 470–1 see also unilateral action/powers
presidency:
and constitutional design of 60
and dual nature of 61, 137
and exaggeration of importance of 51
and presidentialization of politics 59
and regime change, partisan‐programmatic 62–4
and relationship with sovereign authority 59–62
and research weaknesses 9–10, 30
and scholarly attention to 3
and significance of 51–2
and unitary structure of 60, 61, 136–7
presidency‐public nexus 67
and emergence of plebiscitary presidency 67–71
presidential approval 232
and changes in evaluative criteria 243–6
framing 245
priming 244–6
and changes in media market 233, 246
and character of president 237, 241–2
and citizens' democratic competence 248
and contextual factors:
anxiety 242
divided government 242
election campaigns 242–3
media coverage 243
priming 243–4
and divided government 242, 392
and economic conditions 236
perceptions of 236, 238–9
and framing of issues 244, 245
and game theoretic analysis 39
and heterogeneity in 247
and integrating approaches to 248
and major political events 236–7, 239–40
impact of party identification 239–40
and party identification 233, 235, 238
evaluative criteria 247
impact of major events 239–40
priming effects 245–6
and performance‐based expectations of president 145–6
and political environment 235
and political impact of 232
and post-9/11 context 233
and presidential influence over 244, 249
and presidential news 271–2
agenda‐setting 276–8
credibility of news organizations 274
differential responses to 275–6
diversity of news outlets 275
events vs reporting of events 271, 272
experimental research on effects 278–9
hard vs soft news 272–3
issue salience 273
news system 274
reinforcement of views 275
researching effects of 278–80
types of news 272–4
and presidential responsibility 236, 244
and presidential vetoes 33, 34
(p. 871)
and president's communications 184–5
and research on:
changes in 233
data availability 233–4
focus of 233
individual‐level data 233
new survey designs 234
and salience 235–6, 244
and survey measures of 232
and variable influence of factors affecting 242–3
and vetoes 375–6
presidential approval and Congressional influence 338–9, 356
and approval ratings:
influence on congressional behavior 344–7
as surrogate for opinions of members of Congress 344
and congressional environment 342–4
avoiding challenges 343
constant campaigning 343
electoral competition 343
lack of knowledge of constituents 342
sensitivity to electorate 343–4
threat of challengers 342
vulnerability 342
and Congress's belief in relationship 340–1
and constraints on relationship 347
and controls 355
and designing tests for relationship 348
and direction of influence 354–5
and discriminating among theories 356
and impact of 347
and measuring approval 348
approval by whom 349–51
policy‐specific approval 351
reelection constituencies 349–51
time period 348–9
and measuring congressional support for president 351–4
aggregating congressional votes 352
individual level 352
issue salience and complexity 353
limitations of aggregate measures 352
party groups 351, 352
timing of measurement 354
which votes to count 352–3
and presidents' belief in relationship 339–41
and theorizing about relationship 341–2
and time‐varying influence 355
presidential libraries 139, 779, 780
presidential museums 139
Presidential Records Act (1988) 542, 780
presidential studies:
and decline of practitioners' accounts 773–4
and emergence of 771
and form of presidential office 788
appropriate responses to change 788
collaborative office 790–2
definition of form 788
degeneration into formalism 789
formality 789
inappropriate responses to change 788–9
regard for form 789–90
teaching office 792–3
and growth of 772–3
and knowledge sought by 781–3
constitutionalism 784–5
institutional knowledge 783–4
presidential success or failure 786–7
situational constitutionalism 785–6
and lack of impact on presidential performance 774, 778, 793
and research currents 775, 778
contingent influence 777–8
president's personal influence 775–6
unilateral action/powers 776–7
and research on 778
problems 780–1
progress in 779
Presidential Transition Act (1963) 88
priming:
and opinion leadership 191
and presidential approval 243–6
principal‐agent theory, and bureaucratic design 608–9
prioritizing, and legislative proposals 317
Program Assessment Rating Tool (PART) 583, 584, 605
Progressive Era:
and emergence of administrative presidency 75–6
and emergence of plebiscitary presidency 70
prospect theory, and decision‐making 565–6, 568
Protect America Act (2007) 438
public administration:
and leadership 615
and political science 615–16
public appeals:
and conditions for issuing 18–20
and emergence of plebiscitary presidency 70
and factors encouraging 303
and Founders' distrust of 142
and game theoretic analysis 37–9
and influencing Congress 301–4
and media environment 18
and partisan polarization 303–4
(p. 872)
and policy influence 37
and public opinion 18, 20–1, 776
shaping of 174–6
and public presidency 161
and quantitative research on 17–21
and Supreme Court nominations 635
and targeted addresses 38–9
public expectations of the president 135, 154
and belief in presidential power 153
and image‐based expectations 135–6
consequences of 140–1
contradictory nature of 140
definition of 136
desirable qualities 136
high level of 140
origins of 136–40, 148
relationship with performance‐based expectations 151–2
White House response to 141, 170–1
and performance‐based expectations 136
blamed for bad outcomes 146
changes in public support for president 145–6
consequences of 145–7
nature of 141
origins of 142–5, 148
policy innovation 147
politics of prestige 146–7
relationship with image‐based expectations 151–2
responder‐in‐chief 146
role of perceptions 147
and public discourse 152–3
and research on 135, 148
belief in presidential power 152–4
in the classroom 152
dominant narrative of origins and development 148
electoral cycle 151
generational effects 150
lack of data 149
measurement of 149
period effects 150–1
persistence of 150
relationship of image- and performance‐based expectations 151–2
survey research 148–9
public law:
and assumption of lawyer's monopoly on interpretation of 799–800
and decline of constitutional law 801–2
and legality of Korean War:
Arthur Schlesinger 804–5
debate about 801–2
Henry Steele Commager 802–4
Richard Neustadt 805–8
and neglect of 797–8
and political scientists 798–9
congressional committees 811–12
as entrepreneurs 812–13
interpretation by 799–800
and presidential powers 458
and renewed attention to 808–11
public leadership, see opinion leadership, and the president
public opinion:
and clarifying 197–8
articulating 197–8
understanding 197
and contingency and variability of 167
and evaluation of presidents 172
and expectations of federal government 74
and foreign policy 677–80, 717
and Founders' distrust of 142
and game theoretic analysis:
future research 39–40
public appeals 37–9
targeted appeals 38–9
and impact of State of the Union message 114–15
and international organizations 714
approval of use of force 712–13, 715–16
information transmission 714–15
and nature of presidential responsiveness 167–71
differential representation 173–4
electoral factors 168
future research 171
image perceptions 170–1
immediate 167–8
presidential rhetoric 168–9
type of public opinion 169–70
and the president 163–4
and presidential influence on 174–6
limited impact 195, 196, 219, 302, 831–2
and presidential news
differential responses to 275–6
diversity of news outlets 275
impact of 270–1
news system 274
presidential approval 271–2
researching effects of 278–80
types of news 272–4
and presidential understanding of 164
presidential polling 164–5
and public appeals 18, 20–1, 37–9, 776
and reality of citizen preferences 165–7
and responsiveness to 39–40, 161
salience of issues 172–3
and war and presidential power 736–8 see also opinion leadership; presidential approval
(p. 873) public presidency:
and emergence of 160–1
and public appeals 161
and representation 161
quantitative research, and the presidency 23–5
and centralization of authority 14–15, 17
and challenges facing:
data availability 25
identifying institutional constraints 24–5
theoretical foundations 24
and increase in 13, 24
and legislative skills 330
and need for 9–11
and policy influence:
legislative process 21
unilateral powers 21–3
and politicization of appointments 15–16
and public appeals 17–21
conditions for issuing 18–20
impact on public opinion 20–1
media environment 18
and publication trends 11–13, 23–4
race:
and change in party identification 198–9
and Supreme Court nominations 629, 631
rational choice theory 293
and decision‐making 550, 558, 559, 560, 562
holistic view of 563–4
regime change, and the presidency
and constitutional change 64–7
and nature of regimes 63
and partisan‐programmatic change 62–4
and presidency‐public nexus 67
representation:
and citizen evaluation of presidents 172
and competing conceptions of 162–3
and democracy 162
and differential representation 173–4
and nature of presidential responsiveness 167–71
differential representation 173–4
electoral factors 168
future research 171
image perceptions 170–1
immediate 167–8
presidential rhetoric 168–9
shaping of public opinion 174–6
type of public opinion 169–70
and populist definition of 162
and presidential responsiveness 163–4
and public presidency 161
and responsiveness to citizen preferences 162, 163
reality of preferences 165–7
salience of issues 172–3
and symbolic 162
and trustee view of 162
response‐acceptance theory, and presidential news 275
responsiveness:
and bureaucracy 601, 603, 604, 606
and citizen evaluation of presidents 172
and nature of presidential responsiveness 167–71
differential representation 173–4
electoral factors 168
future research 171
image perceptions 170–1
immediate 167–8
presidential rhetoric 168–9
shaping of public opinion 174–6
type of public opinion 169–70
and political parties 396–8
and presidential understanding of public opinion 164
presidential polling 164–5
and public opinion 163–4
reality of citizen preferences 165–7
salience of issues 172–3
and representation 162, 163
and unilateral action 610–13
rhetoric, presidential:
as art rather than science 208–9
and changes in practices 217
and constitutional doctrine 210, 211–12
and crisis rhetoric 334
and critique of rhetorical presidency thesis:
early rhetorical practice 212–15
Founders' proscription of popular leadership 211–12
political communications perspective 216–17
Wilson's doctrine of popular leadership 216
and decline in quality of speeches and messages 210–11
and early rhetorical practice:
anonymous editorials 213
election campaigns 215
mandate claims 214–15
popular leadership claims 214
populist appeals 215
presidential tours 214
and historical patterns of 209–11
and impact of 219–20
cumulative 226
framing 221
framing role of president 222, 223
issue areas 227
perceptions of economy 220
political significance 221–2
public opinion 219–20
responsiveness to 227
(p. 874)
speech genres 221–2
spending 220
symbolic presidency 220–1, 222
and increase in public speeches 218
and political communications perspective 208–9, 220–3
and political science perspective 208, 209
and popular leadership:
Founders' proscription of 210
Wilson's doctrine of 210
and public opinion:
responsiveness to 168–9
shaping of 174–6
and research on 183–4
future directions 224, 226
new content analysis techniques 224–6
new data sources 224, 225
progress in 209, 226
and rhetorical presidency thesis 210–11, 217–19
as substitute for governance 225
and symbolic presidency 220–3
Ronald Reagan Presidential Library and Museum 780
sanctions, and presidential‐congressional relations 326–7
Second World War, and presidential power 729
Senate, US, and Supreme Court nominations 625–6, 632–3, 636
game theoretic analysis 40–1
ideology 633–4
qualifications of nominees 633–4
Senior Executive Services (SES) 583, 589
separation of powers:
and checks on presidential power 646 see also judiciary, and checks on presidential power
and divided government 388
and executive powers 456–8
and political parties 384–7, 388
and unilateral action 448–50
and unitary executive theory 491
signaling, and foreign policy 681–3
signing statements 322, 459, 471, 479, 481, 487–8, 489–90
and administrative strategies 594
and agenda‐setting 119
and presidential vetoes 36, 488
socialization, political, and idealization of presidency 139, 149
Solicitor General:
and role in Supreme Court 655
and Supreme Court's agenda 121–2
Somalia 724–5
sovereign authority, and president's relationship with 59–62
spin control 263–4, 272
State of the Union message:
and legislative agenda 122–3
and the media 113
and policy topics 261
and popular leadership 212
and public impact of 114–15, 196
and rhetorical changes 217
Statements of Administration Policy (SAPs) 301, 321
stem cell research 200
Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) 200
Supreme Court, US:
and agenda‐setting 112
and case selection 120–1
presidential influence 121–2
and divided government 394
and New Deal 66
and presidential nominations to:
adherence to president's ideological stance 640
bargaining 635–6
candidate choice 626–7
constraints on 632–3
game theoretic analysis 40–2
ideological goals 629–31
impact on ideological outlook 121
incentives for concern with 625
interest group lobbying 411
long‐term impact on Court 641–2
measuring success of 636–9
overcoming constraints 635–6
packing the Court 642–3
partisan and electoral goals 627–9
public appeals 635
qualifications of nominees 633–4
role of ideology 633–4
Roosevelt's court packing plan 833–4
Senate's role 40–1, 625–6, 632–3, 636
and unilateral action 442 see also law cases
symbolic presidency, and presidential rhetoric 220–3
Taft‐Hartley Act 36, 467
targeted appeals 38–9
television:
and image‐based expectations of president 141
and presidential addresses 115, 184, 195
and presidential news 257–9 see also media; news
Terrorist Surveillance Program (TSP) 436, 437, 438
textbooks, and idealization of presidency 139–40, 152
(p. 875) Torture Memos 446
trade agreements 705–6, 716–17
trade policy, and international cooperation 708–9
transitions, presidential 85, 101
and cabinet:
appointments 92–3
role of cabinet secretaries 93
and changing from campaigning to governing 97–8
and control of government 86
and definition of 85
and growth in importance of 89
and growth of interest in 87
and growth of president elect's concern with 87–8
and increasing complexity of 87–9
and initial policy agenda 96–7
and leadership of 89–90, 91–2
and media operation 95–6
and personnel recruitment 93–5
and planning for 89–91
avoiding conflict 89–90
crucial tasks 90
discretion 89
lack of institutional memory 90–1
leadership of 89–90
required by nature of electoral system 90
and presidential power 86
and recommendations for 98–9
avoiding hasty decisions and overreactions 99–100
avoiding hubris 99
listening to predecessors 100
and research on:
different approaches to 101–2
difficulties with 102
future research 86, 102–4
lame‐duck administrations 103
personnel recruitment 104
presidential performance 103–4
use of primary sources 102–3
wartime transitions 104
within‐party transitions 103
and time‐scale of 86
Twentieth Amendment 87
and White House organization 92
and White House staff 91–2
chief of staff 92
unilateral action/powers:
and accountability 489
and administrative strategies 594–6
constraints on 595
executive orders 594
future research 595–6
signing statements 594
and agency creation 485, 610
and agenda‐setting 119–20, 481
and ambiguity as presidential resource 611
and anticipation of backlash 440, 441, 448–9
and constraints on 448–9
institutional 449
political 449–50
and courts 442, 448, 480–1
and definition of 427
and discretion in use of powers 441–2
and divided government 391–2, 439–40, 442
and effects of use of 334
and emergence of administrative presidency 72, 73
and empirical claims about 432–4
conflicts with Congress 433–4
conflicts with courts 434
presidential reliance on 432–3
and examples of 427–8
and executive agreements 439–40, 479, 486–7
and expansion of presidential power 430, 443–7
and game theoretic analysis 42
and growth in use of 479, 489
and implementation of policies 442–3
and institutional practices 440–1
and instruments of 427, 433, 477, 488–9
and model of 440
and motivations for using 333–4
and National Security Directives 479, 481, 489
and policy making 119, 481
and presidential memoranda 489
and quantitative research on 21–3
and research on 494, 776–7
extension of strategic model 428–9
future research 429, 430, 442–3, 494
progress in 429
theoretical foundations 429
unilateral powers model 429
and responses to 448
and responsiveness 610–13
and separation of powers 448–50
and signing statements 322, 459, 471, 479, 481, 487–8, 594
and theory and logic of 430–2
accountability 430–1
foundational assumptions 430
legal authority for 431–2
structural determinants 430–1
and transitions 86, 96, 103
and unilateral powers model of presidency 429, 479–81
and unitary executive theory 444–7, 490–3
Congress's role in declaring war 492–3
motives for expounding 491–2
(p. 876)
and use of powers 438–9
and warrantless wiretaps 434–8, 468 see also executive orders
unitary executive theory 762–5
and Congress's role in declaring war 492–3
and motives for expounding 491–2
and prerogative powers 467–8
and unilateral action 444–7, 490–3
United Nations resolutions 468
United Nations Security Council 712, 713, 714
United States Coast Guard 614
United States Conference of Mayors 408
vetoes, presidential:
and anticipation effects 365, 376
congressional productivity 378
ideological legislation 377–8
policy stability 378
pork‐barrel legislation 376–7
and divided government 34, 323, 366, 373–4, 384, 392, 461
and effectiveness of threats 323
and electoral cycle 375, 376
and game theoretic analysis 32–6, 470–1
blame game model 33–5, 367–8, 375–6
legislative influence 35–6
and integrated presidential strategy 379–80
and interest group lobbying 411
and legislative skills 322–3
and macro‐politics of 368–9
and methodological issues 369
no institutional variation problem 371
significance of veto 369–70
small-n problem 370–1
and modeling of:
distributive politics veto 364–5, 377
take‐it‐or‐leave‐it (TILI) bargaining game 364
and partisan polarization 289, 297–8
and pocket vetoes 365, 370
and presidential approval 375–6
and presidential power 379
and research on:
problems with 363
progress in 363
and significance of 362
and signing statements 36, 488
and variation by presidency 372–3
and variation by unified and divided party control 373–4
and veto bargaining 127
and veto override 364, 365–6, 826
and veto politics:
agency policy making 368, 379
blame game vetoes 367–8, 375–6
filibusters 367
overrides 365–6
sequential veto bargaining 366
simple vetoes 365–6
veto threats 366–7
and vetoes per Congress 372
vice president, and presidential‐congressional relations 324
Vietnam War 724, 730, 731, 737, 738, 740
voters, and polarization amongst 292–3
Wade‐Davis Manifesto 142
Wagner Labor Relations Act 66
war:
and Congress:
Founder's intentions 725–8
influence on conduct of 670–1
role in declaring 492–3
and divided government 392
and international organizations, approval of use of force 712–13, 715–16
and lack of definition of 739–40
and legality of Korean War:
Arthur Schlesinger 804–5
debate about 801–2
Henry Steele Commager 802–4
Richard Neustadt 805–8
and performance‐based expectations of president 147
and presidential approval 237, 240–1, 461, 736–8
impact of casualties 240–1, 738
and presidential power 724
Arthur Schlesinger 804–5
assumption of relation between 725
bureaucratic design 735
Civil War 729
emergence of imperial presidency 730–1
First World War 729
Founding era 725–8
future research on 743
growth of 729–30
Henry Steele Commager 802–4
judicial decision‐making 735–6
Korean War 730
lack of theory connecting 740–2
legislation 732–4
limitations of literature on 739–40
post‐Vietnam 731–2
public opinion 736–8
Richard Neustadt 805–8
Second World War 729
(p. 877)
uncertain relation between 738–9
unilateral action/powers 734–5
Vietnam War 730, 731
and unilateral action 444, 445–6, 448, 492–3, 667–8
War on Poverty 199–200
and presidential rhetoric 221
war on terrorism 201
and presidential power 731, 732
War Powers Act (1973) 464, 465
War Powers Resolution 672
warrantless wiretaps 468
and presidential unilateral action 434–8
Washington Monument 139
water boarding 368
Watergate 465
and public expectations of president 150
Webb amendment 672–3 (p. 878)