- The Oxford Handbook of U.S. National Security
- About the Editors
- Foreword: U.S. National Security for the Twenty-First Century
- Introduction: Shape and Scope of U.S. National Security
- America’s Foreign Policy Traditions
- National Interests and Grand Strategy
- U.S. Foreign Policymaking and National Security
- Civil-Military Relations
- The Presidency and Decision Making
- The National Security Council: Is It Effective, or Is It Broken?
- The National Security Process
- Intelligence and National Security Decision Making
- Congress and National Security
- Diplomacy, the State Department, and National Security
- Development Assistance: Rationale and Applications
- Understanding and Improving U.S. Financial Sanctions
- The Political Economy of Security
- Budgeting for National Security
- Military Force Planning and National Security
- Military Operations and the Defense Department
- Alliances, Military Basing, and Logistics
- Homeland Security
- The United States and Iran: Challenges of Deterrence and Compellence
- U.S. Nuclear Strategy: The Search for Meaning
- International Cyber Conflict and National Security
- Encryption Wars: Who Should Yield?
- Space and National Security
- Human (In)Security
- Climate Change and Environmental Security
- Political Violence
- Women’s Participation in Political Violence
- International Terrorism
- Threats and Dangers in the Twenty-First Century
- International Rivalry and National Security
- Interstate Rivalry in East Asia
- The Transatlantic Security Landscape in Europe
- U.S. National Security in the Western Hemisphere
- Epilogue: Five Lessons for National Security Policymakers
Abstract and Keywords
A president is called to shape a foreign policy that both reflects America’s deepest values and serves its geopolitical interests. In doing so, a president has a range of options that can be used. However, these tools are not ends in themselves, but are undertaken to achieve certain goals. In this regard, there are five lessons that can serve as useful guideposts for those who are called to assist the president in this task. These include understanding that the tools of power are most effective when simultaneously employed; that multilateral action is usually more effective than unilateral action. In addition, while the executive branch has the lead on foreign policy, Congress and the states are also actors. When either of these groups lead they should grant the president flexibility in order to ensure that the policy continues to accomplish U.S. goals. The military tool of power while powerful frequently has serious constraint imposed upon it. It may also be more effective when used flexibly—e.g., the creation of NATO to deter the Soviet Union. Finally, policymaking is messy. Actions do not always result in the hoped-for outcome.
Ambassador Stuart Eizenstat heads Covington’s international practice. His work focuses on resolving international trade problems and business disputes with the US and foreign governments, and international business transactions and regulations on behalf of US companies and others around the world. During a decade and a half of public service in three US administrations, Ambassador Eizenstat has held a number of key senior positions, including chief White House domestic policy adviser to President Jimmy Carter (1977-1981); U.S. Ambassador to the European Union, Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade, Under Secretary of State for Economic, Business and Agricultural Affairs, and Deputy Secretary of the Treasury in the Clinton Administration (1993-2001).
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