Jesuits and Islam in Early Modern Europe
Abstract and Keywords
This chapter discusses Jesuit narratives of Islam and the Jesuits’ approaches to Muslims in early modern Europe. It argues that the Jesuits’ interaction with Islam was a key component of the Society’s identity, despite the fact that the order was not celebrated for the success of this interaction. It explores the desire of Ignatius of Loyola and the first Jesuits to convert Muslims; the history of Muslims who converted to Catholicism and joined the Society of Jesus; the Jesuits’ tension between a polemical attitude and a missionary approach to Muslims; and, finally, the Jesuits’ willingness to engage Islam and their attempts to study Arabic during this period. The chapter sheds new light on the presence of Islam in early modern Europe and helps our understanding of views that also influenced early modern Jesuit missionaries overseas, most of whom undertook their formation in Europe.
In the last twenty years, Jesuit missions have been the subject of innovative research by a number of international scholars.1 Some of these works are devoted to the relationships of early modern Jesuits with Muslims in non-European countries. We note, for example, the research on the missions to the Mughal court, where Jesuits were engaged in interreligious dialogue with King Akbar (1542–1605) and, later, with his son Jahangir (1569–1627).2 Another perspective on Christian–Muslim relations comes from works on the Jesuit brother Bento de Góis (1562–1607), who, looking for the mythical land of Cathay, undertook a journey from the western shores of the Indian subcontinent, through modern-day Afghanistan, to the frontiers of China, presenting himself as a Muslim.3 A third example is provided by the scholarship on the attempts (which were on the whole not very successful) of early modern Jesuits to convert Muslims in what is today Indonesia, following the legacy of Francis Xavier (1506–1552),4 and in early modern China.5
Each of these studies looks at Jesuit interactions with Islam in places where Christians were a minority or in areas where neither Christianity nor Islam was the dominant religion; they contribute to understanding the complexity of Christian–Muslim relationships, bypassing the stereotyped narrative of conflicts between two sides, a narrative that is reflected in the literary genre that we might call “Islam and the West.”6
This chapter follows a different approach; namely, investigating the interaction between Jesuits and Islam in the West. Recent scholarship has revealed a significant presence of Muslims in early modern Europe, a minority that has gone unnoticed and been almost “invisible” for a long time.7 Additionally, scholars have shown that Western views of Islam were more nuanced and complex than the well-known narrative involving conflicts and clashes.
By capturing specific Jesuit views about Islam and detailing Jesuit approaches toward Muslims, this chapter will shed new light on the presence of Islam in Europe and assist with understanding Jesuit views that also affected early modern missionaries overseas, most of whom received their formation in Europe.
This chapter explores the dream of Ignatius of Loyola (1491–1556), developed well before the foundation of the Society, to convert Muslims; interactions with Islam as a key component of the Society’s identity, despite the fact that the order was not celebrated for its (p. 350) successes resulting from these interactions; the history of some notable Muslims who converted to Catholicism and joined the Society of Jesus; the Jesuits’ tension between a polemical attitude and a missionary approach; and, finally, Jesuit willingness to engage the Islamic religion, including the order’s attempts to study Arabic during this period.
Ignatius of Loyola, Antonio Possevino, and Islam
Ignatius demonstrated his commitment to evangelizing Muslims many years before founding the Society. In his so-called Autobiography—a narrative of his early life dictated in his old age—he told the story of his encounter with a Muslim while traveling to Montserrat in 1522.
They began discussing theology, and when the conversation turned to Mary, the Muslim acknowledged that the Virgin had indeed conceived without a man, but he could not believe that she remained a virgin after giving birth. When the two men parted, Ignatius felt indignation toward the Muslim and that he had been wrong to allow the Muslim to speak thus about Mary. After mulling over what to do and not arriving at a definite plan of action, Ignatius resolved to let his mule decide. If the mule went in the same direction as the Muslim, Ignatius would follow and kill him; otherwise, he would allow the Muslim to continue his journey unmolested. The mule’s choice saved the Moor.8
This encounter was an important step in Ignatius’s transformation from worldly knight to spiritual seeker and itinerant preacher. Its ambiguity reflects the complexity of Ignatius’s relationship with Islam. On the one hand, he consistently advocated a warlike approach to Islam in general, and in fact in 1552 urged European rulers led by Charles V to ally against the Muslims. This proposal was rejected for political and financial reasons, but it anticipated the creation of the Holy League, which would be victorious at Lepanto in 1571. On the other hand, together with and in spite of this belligerent approach, Ignatius also adopted throughout his life a strong missionary and pastoral attitude toward Muslims. He traveled to the Holy Land in 1523–1524, intending to devote his life to missionary work among Muslims. Later, when he first arrived in Rome, Ignatius took care of Jewish and Muslim converts in the House of Catechumens, officially recognized in 1543 by Pope Paul III.9 He also concentrated on building missions to evangelize Muslims in North Africa. In 1553, Ignatius began focusing intensely on the mission to the Maghreb, shifting other priorities so that missionaries could be sent there; he did not want to neglect the Maghreb “even if the rest of the Society would bleed out.”10 He planned the creation of special colleges to train missionaries to the Muslim world; after his attempt to create a college in Malta failed because of the difficult relationship between the local bishop and the Knights of St. John, Ignatius established centers in Messina and in Monreale (Sicily) where young Jesuits could speak and study Arabic.11 Ignatius encouraged acceptance of Moriscos—Christians of Muslim origin—in the Society, asserting that “some of them will be able to learn [Arabic] and could help us in our mission in the Maghreb.”12 He asked for copies of the Qur’an “in order to confute the mistakes it contains” and expressed a desire to abandon the leadership of the Society so that he could himself go to North Africa to convert Muslims. Most (p. 351) of Ignatius’s planned missions to convert Muslims never materialized and some failed in a few months, but his dreams were recorded forever in his letters and in the Society’s first documents, and inevitably shaped the pastoral ideals and practices of succeeding generations of Jesuits.
In the second half of the sixteenth century, the Italian Jesuit Antonio Possevino (1533–1611) was instrumental in furthering Ignatius’s double-faceted view of Islam.13 Possevino was a prolific writer. His most influential book was Bibliotheca selecta, published in 1593 with a prefatory letter from Pope Clement VIII.14 This monumental work contained suggested readings on a wide range of topics. It gained popularity within the Society and beyond and helped to shape the course of study that was codified in the Society’s Ratio studiorum (1599).
Like Ignatius, Possevino exhibited two coexisting and seemingly conflicting attitudes toward Islam. Possevino’s The Christian Soldier (1569), one of the first early modern Catholic catechisms for military forces, was distributed to the fleet that confronted the Ottomans at Lepanto.15 In a section of Bibliotheca selecta devoted to heresies and to enemies of the church, Possevino offered a particularly harsh portrait of Mohammed and Islam, underscoring the alleged connection between Islam, Lutheranism, and Calvinism (a classic theme in the Catholic polemical literature of the day) and the need for a war to liberate Europe from the Muslim threat.16
Later, as the secretary of the Society (1573–1577), Possevino helped to direct missions throughout the world, including to Muslims in Eastern Europe, and developed arguments in support of a more peaceful approach. In Book 9 of the Bibliotheca, dedicated to world evangelization, he underscored the shared beliefs of Catholics and Muslims, the importance of learning Arabic, and the “cultural”—in contrast to religious—worth of many Islamic thinkers. He proposed that Christian dialogue with Muslims could be enhanced in the Islamic world by promoting the reading of Christian and pagan philosophers in Arabic translation and by highlighting portions of these texts that were compatible with Christian teachings.17 Muslims, he wrote, were led by the natural light of reason to be open to conversion, and they often demonstrated a sincere esteem for Christianity. In general, they were drawn to the Christian way of life rather than to the Christian religion per se. Possevino argued that because many Muslims were attracted to Christian society, it was especially important that the clergy and laymen who were sent to Muslim lands be selected for their irreproachable way of life.18
Ignatius’s and Possevino’s views on Islam shaped the Society’s approach to Muslims until the early eighteenth century and fueled the Jesuits’ attraction to first-hand accounts of people who had lived in the Muslim world. Among them, the personal stories of Jesuits with a Muslim background were especially popular in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
From Islam to the Society: Ignacio Las Casas and Baldassarre Loyola
Two early modern Jesuits with a Muslim background were very well known in Jesuit circles and contributed greatly to the Society’s understanding of Islam. Ignacio Las Casas (1550–1608) was born in Granada from a Morisco family and joined the Society of Jesus in 1571 (p. 352) in Rome.19 He studied under the direction of Robert Bellarmine (1542–1621) and learned spoken and written Arabic; he served as a confessor in the Arabic language in St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome and was involved in various missions in the Middle East. Additionally, he was a critic and translator of the Lead Books of Granada. The Lead Books were small circular leaves of lead engraved with archaic Arabic letters that were thought, even by prominent ecclesiastical authorities, to be early Christian texts, but were in fact forgeries. Las Casas was at first a supporter of the authenticity of the Lead Books, but he “soon began to think that they were full of indisputably Islamic statements; he launched a vigorous campaign against them, trying to make himself heard by the Inquisition, by the nuncio, even by Rome itself.”20 Las Casas’s most important mission was his apostolate to the Moriscos, accused by some of being crypto-Muslims and of celebrating “Mohammedan ceremonies.” The polemics against them led to their forced expulsion from Spain in 1609–1614.21 Las Casas, who acknowledged the persistence of Muslim habits among some of the Moriscos, supported the importance of preaching to them in Arabic and working toward their assimilation. “He recalled that idolatry, unlike original sin, was not inherited and that the Moriscos, having been baptized, were children of the Church and could not be abandoned; they should be watched over, educated, exhorted and rewarded like other Christians, but never exiled or killed.”22 At the same time, he warned of possible confusion from conflating Christian and Muslim terms that would obscure the authentic understanding of Catholicism. Las Casas’s Morisco origins shaped his missionary approach, which was subsequently imitated by other missionaries.23
During the seventeenth century, another Jesuit with a Muslim background became famous within the Society: Mohammad Attazi (1631–1667), a Muslim prince who converted to Catholicism.24 Born in 1631 to the king of Fez, Mohammed grew up studying the Qur’an and was married with three children before turning twenty, at which point he embarked on a pilgrimage to Mecca. While sailing near Tunis, his ship was intercepted by the Knights of St. John, and Mohammed and his entourage were held for ransom in Malta for the next five years. There, saddened by the ignorance of the local Muslims, Mohammed devoted himself to teaching and copying the Qur’an. His ransom was paid, and just as he was about to leave, he received a vision that resulted in his decision to convert to Christianity. He was catechized and baptized, and chose for himself the name of the captain of the ship that had taken him prisoner five years before, adding the name “Loyola” in honor of Saint Ignatius, on whose feast day he was baptized. Mohammed, now known as Baldassarre Loyola, went to Palermo and Messina, where he came into contact with some local Jesuits and decided to join the Society. In 1661, he settled at the novitiate in Rome, where two years later he was ordained a priest. For about three years (1664–1667), he devoted himself to the conversion of Muslims in the seaports of Genoa and Naples, where there was a long tradition of Jesuit apostolate to Muslims, both to private slaves of noble families and to public slaves on the galleys.25 According to the sources, Baldassarre had considerable success. He often convinced the masters to bring their Muslim slaves to the Jesuit churches to listen to him preach; he preached in Arabic to the Muslims and in Italian to the masters, who were often members of the local nobility. He also visited the galleys docked in the ports and the hospitals, where he baptized sick and dying Muslims. Yet his heart was elsewhere: he petitioned to be assigned to a Muslim territory, with the hope of receiving the gift of martyrdom. He was eventually permitted to go to the Mughal, which European Jesuits often portrayed as an avant-garde mission, where the Jesuits had started religious debates in the (p. 353) Muslim court. But he never arrived there—in 1667 he died in Madrid after falling sick traveling to Lisbon, from where he had planned to sail.
Baldassarre’s story is not unique: in the early modern period several noblemen left the Maghreb to go to Italy or Spain for political or economic reasons, and sometimes they converted.26 However, Baldassarre is the only Muslim prince who became a Jesuit, and one of the few exceptions to the decree that, beginning in 1593, barred New Christians (people of Jewish and Muslim ancestry) from joining the Society.27 Despite the process of his canonization failing at an early stage, the memory of Baldassarre was extremely widespread within the Society of Jesus: pictures, theatrical representations, and stories of alleged miracles circulated widely within Jesuit networks. In 1669, two years after Baldassarre’s death, Calderón de la Barca authored a sacred drama about his life, El gran príncipe de Fez, that was performed in many Jesuit colleges in Europe, as well as overseas.28 But even as late as the 1930s, Baldassarre was cited in Jesuit circles as a model of the apostolate among Muslims.29
Wars and Polemical Views
Following the call to war against the “enemies of the faith” dear to their founding father Ignatius, Jesuits were often active as military chaplains in battles against Muslims, such as in the Battle of Lepanto (1571).30 The rhetoric of war constantly re-emerged among Jesuits in moments of confrontation with the Muslim world, when the imperative of fighting against enemies of the faith carried an apocalyptic and millennial charge.31 The battle of Vienna (1683), in which the Holy League defeated the strong Ottoman army, was celebrated as the victory of Christianity over Islam and led to a proliferation of prophetic interpretations of its significance.32 The success of the Holy League also had an important effect on Jesuits’ perception of Islam. At the end of the seventeenth century, Europe saw a number of books written by Jesuits about Islam and missions among the Muslims: notably, “handbooks” for the conversion of Muslims; books of controversies; catechisms; transcriptions of real or imaginary dialogues between Muslims and Catholics; and anthologies of sermons aimed at converting Muslims.33 In these same years, martyrologies of the Society of Jesus strove to emphasize the presence of Jesuits in Islamic lands who had been killed for their faith by Muslims.34
The Italian Jesuit Nicolò Maria Pallavicino (1621–1692), a prominent theologian in Rome, authored The Modern Prosperity of the Catholic Church against Mohammedanism (1686), and inserted many comments about Islam in other books he wrote in defense of Catholicism.35 The celebrated Italian preacher and theologian Paolo Segneri (1624–1694) published The Unbeliever Is Inexcusable (1690), an apology for the reasonableness of the Catholic faith, containing several references to Islam.36 The Spanish Jesuit Manuel Sanz (1646–1719),37 who was stationed for many years in Malta, published in 1691 a Brief Treatise for the Conversion of the Turks, while the French Jesuit Michel Nau (1633–1683), a missionary for almost twenty years in Syria, published two books in Paris: Christian Religion against the Qur’an (1680) and The Present State of the Mohammedan Religion (1684).38 Finally, Tirso González de Santalla (1624–1705),39 a renowned theologian and preacher of missions in both the Spanish cities and countryside, preached regularly during the 1670s to the Muslim slaves in Spain with (p. 354) much success. Later, upon becoming the thirteenth superior general of the Society of Jesus, he wrote the Handbook to Convert Muslims (1687), an authoritative guide that was widely diffused and translated.40
The books published in the 1680s concerning Muslims were influenced by the fear of the approaching Turks, or by the enthusiasm that followed the victory at Vienna. Explicit references are made in these books to military events, which are not seen as opposed to missionary activities. What was occurring on the Eastern front influenced the perception of Muslims held by missionaries operating, for example, in Andalusia or on the Sicilian coast. For Pallavicino, the defeat of the Ottoman army was a sign of “the current prosperity of the Catholic church.” The cause of the victory, in his view, was both political-military and religious, and the defeat of the Ottoman Empire represented a providential moment for Christians to convert Muslims.41
The authors believed that to be “just,” the war against Islam should be a “defensive war”; however, according to Pallavicino, “against the Turks, every offensive war is simply defensive, . . . since for the Turks peace is only preparation for another war.”42 The image of the defensive war is present in many other books written by Jesuits during the same years. Michel Nau tried with his book “to wrench the weapons away from Muslims” to stop their terrible offensive. In the dedication of González’s Handbook to Emperor Leopold I, there was the same warlike idea of mission, with the Jesuits presented as “defensive soldiers of the Church.”43
Jesuits wanted to fight Islam “with pen and ink,” that is, by writing books demonstrating its falsity. They used classical medieval arguments: the condemnation of Mohammed for his moral conduct; the falsity of what they called the “Mohammedan heresy” as shown by the sexual customs of Muslims; and the treatment of women, both in the practice of polygamy and in the ease with which men could abandon their wives. Additionally, the image of paradise as a realm of sensory satisfaction was not only against Christianity but also against the very nature of man.44 A second argument retrieved from the past was the demonstration of the “falsity of the Qur’an using the Qur’an itself.”45 The unreasonableness of Islam was demonstrated by the contradictions contained in the Qur’an: the validity of the Gospels was at times affirmed and at other times rejected, and the notion of “holy war” was deemed necessary in one Sura and rejected altogether in another passage. Additionally, dietary prohibitions were justified by “absurd and incredible fables.” Readers of Islamic “legends” should laugh heartily, González observes, confident that anyone who encounters such “lies” would be able to recognize their inherent irrationality. The customs derived from Islam, furthermore, run contrary to history, philosophy, and even mathematics.46 Finally, Islam was seen as being hostile to man’s critical capacity: Mohammed prohibited arguments against the Qur’an and forbade any discussion of the precepts of Islamic law. To quote González:
If a man holds an authentic gold coin, he would not be afraid of having its weight tested by the goldsmith. If the Mohammedan religion is afraid of being tested, and prohibits examination into whether it is indeed God-given, this means that it is not the law of God, but a voluntary creation of a pseudo-prophet in order to oppress people and to maintain his own power.47
In an imaginary dialogue with a Muslim, Manuel Sanz encourages his interlocutor—a recent convert to Catholicism—to ask all his questions:
My friend Mustafa, ask all you want, because Christian priests are different from Muslim papaz [religious authorities], who refuse to give reasons for the Muslim law. They do that because they do not know and will never know these reasons, simply because these do not exist. But we have reasons, thanks be to God, and we always answer questions; rather, we take pleasure in answering them.48
Muslims were also understood as living according to a sort of fatalism that devalued human liberty. Manuel Sanz wrote that Muslims whom he asked when they would convert replied, “When God wills it,” as if they had no responsibility in the decision.
In all these books there is a particular emphasis on the value of miracles, essential proofs of the truth of the Catholic faith. Miracles were present also in the Islamic tradition, but—according to the Jesuits—they were “private miracles,” not documented in any way, and so they were certainly false. Segneri uses the same argument with the issue of “sanctity,” an important evidence of the truth of the Catholic Church, which he considered to be completely absent from Islam.49
The Jesuits followed the traditional view that Islam was a heresy because it misinterpreted and distorted several elements of the Christian doctrine. Furthermore, in their view, Islam was the complete synthesis of all the heresies in the history of the church: although already defeated by the councils, these heresies were proposed anew by Muslims.50
All these arguments emphasized the value of reason. Using reason, all people are able to discriminate between what is false and the truth which exalts human nature. Christian faith, these authors argued, is strictly connected with reason, not because reason allows one to totally comprehend God, but because there is valid evidence that Christianity is possibly true and in any event not against reason. At the same time, reason is able to show the contradictions and falsity of Islam. In the dialogue cited earlier, Sanz concluded his explanations of the arguments in favor of the Christian faith in this way: “Now, Mustafa, reason obliges you to confess, whether you like or not, that it would be a terrible foolishness and an evident deceit to follow Mohammed and his Qur’an.”51 For the same reason, after his exposition of the foundations of Catholic dogmas, Segneri states, echoing the title of his book, that “the unbeliever is inexcusable.”52
All these arguments—the immorality of Mohammed, the incompatibility of the Qur’an with human reason, Islam’s lack of consideration for the critical capacity of human beings, the falsity of its supposed miracles, and the idea of Islam as a heresy—are traditional arguments from polemical medieval sources.53 The arguments were, however, embedded in the historical context of the seventeenth century. The “current prosperity of the church” coincided, in these authors’ views, not only with the defeat of Islam but also with the defeat of Lutheranism and Calvinism, considered to be even more dangerous than Islam. Often in these books the same arguments used to refute Islam were also used against these other “heretics.” For example, the arguments about the “falsity of miracles” and the “absence of sanctity” were useful weapons against Lutherans, and alleged Islamic fatalism was compared with the doctrine of predestination held by Calvinists.54 Lutheranism, in Pallavicino’s mind, was allied to Islam because it taught that it was not licit to struggle against the Turk.55 Sanz and González repeated on several occasions that preaching directed toward Muslims provides useful arguments against the many Lutherans and Calvinists engaged in commercial activity in Malta and Spain. Finally, Turks and heretics were also associated because (p. 356) they were enemies of Marian devotion, which was of great importance during the seventeenth century.56
The same polemical arguments were reiterated in various parts of Europe. During the seventeenth century, Jesuits from Eastern Europe wrote about Islam and adapted their narrative to local political and religious environments.
In 1605, Peter Pázmány (1570–1637), a Jesuit from Transylvania who worked to oppose the exodus of Hungarian Catholics to Protestant sects and Unitarianism, composed the short treatise in Hungarian The Turkish Empire and Religion; he used the Qur’an as an instrument to highlight the errors of Protestants and Unitarians, relying chiefly on Trinitarian theology, and to call attention to the impending danger posed by the Ottoman Empire.57 In the same period, István Szántό (Stephanus Arator) (1541–1612), a Jesuit from the Austrian province who spent part of his life in Transylvania, completed his Confutatio Alcorani (1611), which was published only in the twentieth century. Szanto relied mainly on Western sources to reinforce traditional arguments against Islam developed by medieval Christian writers. Both Pázmány and Szanto seemed to be more concerned about the religious and political environment in which they lived than in developing a real understanding of Islam and the Qur’an.58
Converting the Other: Jesuit Missionary Approach
Since the thirteenth century, together with the confrontational approach, a more pragmatic, missionary approach toward Islam had been developing in the Catholic Church. The mendicant orders counted among their tasks the resumption of an apostolate to Muslims; their attempts were occasionally successful in countries subject to Catholic rule, but in general resulted in failure in Muslim lands. At the same time, while some Dominicans and Franciscans attempted to preach Christianity to the Muslims, other members of their orders preached a just war against them; both approaches were considered indispensable and complementary.59
During the early modern period, a new missionary impulse toward Muslims developed among Christians as part of a more general movement of spreading the Gospel. Capuchins, Discalced Carmelites, and especially Jesuits strengthened their presence in the Middle East, and the Friars Minor developed a missionary attitude in the Holy Land, where they had been present since the thirteenth century. Additionally, members of religious orders were dedicated to an apostolate to Muslims in the West. In Spain, after the forced expulsion of the Moriscos (1609–1614), missionaries worked for the conversion of Muslim slaves and servants.60 In Italian port cities, and in particular in Naples, Jesuits were active in the apostolate for Muslim slaves, and they were active also in Malta, one of the most important centers for the presence of Muslim slaves in the Mediterranean. As a consequence of this missionary enthusiasm, new lay confraternities for the conversion of Muslims were created and a rich missionary literature circulated throughout Europe.
The conversion of slaves raised theological and moral questions. In fact, in the early modern period, the more common view was that if a Muslim slave converted to Catholicism, (p. 357) his or her servile status would not change. This scenario clearly appears in Jesuit documents. When, for instance, Neapolitan Jesuits inherited a slave from a benefactor, they hurried to manumit him not out of obligation, but rather “to avoid murmurings” and to show they were not greedy.61 In Spain, after the baptism of a slave, the sponsor sometimes gave him or her money for redemption; however, this was clearly a free decision and not an obligation, and it did not happen often. Since the Middle Ages, theologians and canonists had discussed the issue of Christians keeping other Christians as slaves, providing different answers.62
In their writings and letters, Jesuit missionaries attempted to contradict the idea, common even among Christian authorities, that converting Muslims was an impossible task and that it was useless even to try. This skeptical approach was supported by the idea that “each one can be saved in one’s own law,” a notion usually attributed to the beliefs of Islam and confuted in anti-Muslim polemics, but sometimes shared by many Christians who lived among Muslims. It was an expression of a sort of “toleration” not uncommon in early modern Europe and reinforced by well-known authors.63
Jesuits often emphasized the possibility of preaching to Muslims. Manuel Sanz, in his Brief Treatise, argued strongly against the idea that was commonly held in Malta, even among Catholics, that Christians should not try to convert Muslims, and that it was sufficient to maintain the status quo; he insisted on the importance of preaching to them in accordance with the obligation of Christians to evangelize. Sanz was scandalized by many Christian masters who prevented their Muslim slaves from converting to Christianity, because they knew that, once converted, the slaves would not be ransomed by their coreligionists and the masters would miss an opportunity of profit.64 Michel Nau thought it was possible to speak with Muslims about Islam and Muhammad, “but only with an intimate knowledge of their religion.” Jesuits always provided numerous additional reasons for their preaching activity. Even if the Muslims would not convert, public preaching would be useful to discourage the creation of “renegades” (Catholics who converted to Islam) and might be useful for converting Lutherans, Calvinists, and Jews who were often present in European port cities; but above all the goal was to strengthen the arguments for the Catholic faith in the already baptized who were not able to adequately explain the reasons for their faith and who did not desire to proselytize.
When the authors leave off theorizing about Islam and describe their actual missionary experience, the tone of their reports radically changes. While they spoke of Islam as a dangerous heresy, they portrayed the Muslims they met as men who had not had the possibility to know the truth—“deceived innocents”—and they often showed sympathy toward them. González in particular insisted on the importance of respecting the freedom of his interlocutors. The missionary’s approach had to affirm human freedom and to assert that Catholicism was contrary to any coercion in matters of faith. It would have been in accord with the mentality of the time to oblige slaves to listen to preachers, in the same way that “a sick man could be forced to see a doctor even against his own will.”65 However, González insisted that participation in these missions be strictly voluntary. Michel Nau, wanting to disavow a common prejudice in Europe, described his missionary experience as follows:
There is almost no one who does not have the false conviction that it is forbidden to talk to the Turks about religion, and that missionaries in Islamic lands hold their tongues on these topics . . . . By the grace of God, Mohammedans are not such ferocious wolves. If you pay (p. 358) honor to them and treat them with humility and friendliness, according to the Gospel, they will listen carefully and will ask you to speak about religion.66
Seventeenth-century Jesuits often included in their books imaginary dialogues between Christians and Muslims. Since the Middle Ages, fictional dialogues had been a traditional literary genre used to demonstrate the superiority of Christianity over Islam. In the late seventeenth century, there was a revival of these dialogues, mainly written by Catholic missionaries and intended for apostolic work, but also aimed at a more general audience. According to Michel Nau, they “teach with much more clarity, they represent more ingenuously the natural [disposition], the humor, and the manners of the persons, and they are more pleasant and entertaining than an uninterrupted narrative, which requires more industriousness from the reader.”67 While the theological arguments were based on the same assumptions of the traditional medieval polemical literature, the attitude in these dialogues was more open and benevolent, and the actual experience that often emerged from them led to forms of accommodation between Christians and Muslims.68
González admitted that the reasoning of the Christian in the dialogue he set forth in his book did not ultimately convince the Muslim, who decided to remain with his religion.69 But the absence of conversion does not change the tone of the dialogue, which is always respectful, with the Christian desire that the Muslim be enlightened by the Muslim’s own God. González’s dialogue was not a conventional polemic, and by reporting an unsuccessful conversation, it showed the author’s realism. Some Muslims, despite sincerely desiring conversion, were simply unable to understand the Catholic faith: González insisted that they should be treated with respect, gentleness, and Christian charity. In many similar dialogues and works by Jesuits, “the missionary experience leads to a form of accommodation in human relations with the ‘infidels,’ which supposes the acknowledgment of some positive features in their culture, even if Christian and Western superiority is never questioned.”70
In short, Jesuits made attempts to build bridges, trying to understand what was acceptable in Muslim culture and accommodating their approach accordingly. The missionary approach with Muslim slaves was similar to the approach used in Jesuit “popular” or “interior” missions—the missions in European cities and countryside: theater, music, images, and grand processions were used to move and to attract the Muslims. The pulpit was transformed into a stage and every detail was studied to inspire the interlocutors. Processions and grand ceremonies, which were used in the Jesuit popular missions, were even more important in the Muslim context, since they were powerful instruments for bridging the cultural gap. Writing from Barcelona in 1680, where he preached for nine years on the galleys (1676–1685), the Jesuit Francisco Poch (d. 1685) reported that “during Holy Week the galleys were decorated like a church.” Each ship had three altars and the benches were adorned with flowers. Among the images, one of the Virgin Mary was considered a possible common ground with the Muslim slaves.71 While in their religious polemics Catholics condemned Islam’s misinterpretation of the role of the Virgin Mary, in missionary literature Islam’s respect for Mary was a potential bridge between the two religions. Additionally, missionaries insisted on the importance of the shared belief in monotheism. This latter approach was systematically developed by Christians only in the twentieth century, but was already present in Catholic literature in the 1600s.72
The notion that Islam and Christianity shared common ground in monotheism had been part of Jesuit tradition since the early Society, for instance, in Jerome Nadal’s Apology for (p. 359) the Spiritual Exercises (1554–1556)—a document of great value in understanding Ignatius’s insights.73 Nadal had been one of the fiercest advocates of Ignatius’s warlike approach to Islam, and in 1551, while in North Africa, he wrote to Ignatius stating that Muslims paid no heed to Catholic preachers and that only a Spanish military conquest could weaken their fidelity to their religious law.74 A few years later, however, in a completely different context, Nadal showed that, at the heart of Jesuit identity—namely, in the Spiritual Exercises—there was the possibility of a different approach toward Muslims. In 1553, the archbishop of Toledo, Juan Martínez Silíceo, urged on by the Jesuits’ opponents, appointed a commission to determine whether the Exercises were contaminated by the teachings of the alumbrados.75 The Dominican Tomás de Pedroche (d. 1565), head of the commission, supported the accusations and published a censorship of the Exercises.76 It was the culmination of a virulent campaign led by some of Spain’s religious authorities, who sought to question the Society’s orthodoxy.77 Ignatius decided not to address the accusations directly and to rely only on the approval of the Exercises by Pope Paul III in 1548.78 At the same time, some Jesuits prepared a silent counteroffensive. Nadal wrote the long Apology, which was not published, perhaps because of its polemical tone.79 Instead of downplaying their novelty, Nadal highlighted the absolute originality of Ignatius’s Exercises, which he considered an essential expression of the order’s identity. One of the arguments he used to defend the Exercises was their universality—the fact that they could be understood by everyone, even by infidels and, among them, by Muslims. In describing how to adapt the Exercises for heretics and infidels, Nadal underscored that it was not necessary to require from them confession or communion. Rather, all that was required was sincere contrition, which was necessary for all human beings even before the coming of Jesus. Furthermore, when the Exercises were offered to the infidels, it was acceptable to avoid talking about the Trinity or Jesus Christ. The belief in one God was enough for fruitfully following the Exercises, without any other theological or religious understanding or belief. Nadal referred particularly to Muslims; it was much easier to propose the Exercises to them than to the heretics, as long as they were adapted to a monotheistic perspective.80
The attempts at accommodation were not always accepted by ecclesiastical authorities and often led to misunderstandings and condemnations. A harsh debate occurred, for instance, in 1694, when the Venetians occupied the Aegean island of Chios and found three hundred Muslim women who claimed to be Catholic but still lived according to the Muslim tradition. An anonymous pamphlet—in fact authored by the Dominican theologian Jacques-Hyacinthe Serry (1659–1738)—accused the Jesuit missionaries of Chios of “tolerating” the Islamic beliefs of the women, showing how delicate the boundaries of accommodation were and spurring a theological debate similar to those that developed in the same period in Jesuit missions in China and Malabar.81
Knowing the Other: Jesuit Orientalism
Jesuit interactions with the Muslim world were not limited to polemical literature and missionary activity. During the early modern period, Jesuits also endeavored to study the Arabic language, the Qur’an, and Muslims’ religious habits. Their efforts were part of a broader movement that developed in early modern Europe.
(p. 360) In the context of the confessional debates, Hebrew, Arabic, and Syrian were considered key languages to better understand the origins of Christianity and to fight against confessional adversaries; additionally, since Arabic was symbiotically linked to Islam, many Arabists also became scholars in Islamic studies. “Prejudiced though their presentation may have been, Islamic sources were gradually gathered, and, despite the missionary tones and the increasingly confessionalized approach in the sixteenth century, by 1700 the foundations had been laid for a positive treatment of Islam which we occasionally encounter in the Enlightenment.”82 Also instrumental to this new approach were the intensifying contacts with Eastern Christians, who had lived with Muslims for centuries.83
Since its beginnings, the Society of Jesus, like many other Catholic religious orders, had been involved in this effort to gain a better knowledge of Arabic and Islam.84 In 1544, Guillaume Postel (1510–1581), a prominent French scholar in Arabic and Islamic studies, who had met Ignatius and his followers in Paris, joined the Society of Jesus in Rome. However, Ignatius was soon disappointed by his French nationalism and apocalyptic and often unorthodox theories. By the end of 1545, Postel had been expelled from the Society. Even though he reinforced some traditional anti-Muslim prejudices, he was a pioneer in the study of Muslim culture: he had direct knowledge of the Muslim world, corrected some of the mistakes of his predecessors, and had great admiration for some qualities of the Turks. He was one of the first European scholars to publish extensive portions of the Qur’an in his works, including in De orbis terrae Concordia (1544), and authored one of the first European grammars of classical Arabic, the Grammatica Araba (1539).85
It is not clear to what extent Postel influenced Ignatius’s interest in the Muslim world. As discussed previously, however, Ignatius had ardently desired that Arabic be taught to its members since the beginning of the Society. In 1552, an early document written by Ignatius’s companion Jerome Nadal mandated the creation of Arabic courses in Jesuit colleges; later, other superiors general of the Society, such as Claudio Acquaviva (1543–1615), reiterated the importance of the study of Arabic, following the request of Pope Paul V in 1610.86 A series of projects, not always successful, to create Arabic-speaking Jesuit colleges in Italy, Malta, and Spain demonstrated the Jesuits’ widespread fascination for Arabic: Robert Bellarmine, for instance, received instruction in Arabic from Ignacio Las Casas.87
Another prominent Jesuit Orientalist scholar was Giovanni Battista Eliano (1530–1589), born into a Jewish family and the grandson of the prominent rabbi Elia Levita (1469–1569). Eliano converted to Catholicism in Venice in 1551, and in the following year joined the Society of Jesus. He was the first professor of Arabic in the Roman College and he authored the translations of the Catholic profession of faith (Iʿtiqād al-amāma al-urtuduksīya kanīsa rūmīya—Fidei orthoxae brevis et explicita confessio quam Sacrosanta Romana Ecclesia docet, Rome, 1566) and of the Catholic catechism (al-taʿlīm al-masīḥī, Rome, 1580) into Arabic. To print these works, Pope Pius IV asked the Jesuits to introduce Arabic typefaces into the press of the Jesuit Roman College (1564), a pioneering experiment in Europe.88
An important work that has been attributed to Eliano (although there is some question as to the work’s true authorship) is the Muṣāḥabat rūḥānīya (Spiritual Conversation), an imaginary dialogue between two Muslims, published sometime during the period from the 1560s to the 1580s. The purpose of the book is to show the “unreasonableness” of the Qur’an and, at the same time, the need for a translation of the Gospel into Arabic—an ongoing project at that time in Rome. Despite the use of standard anti-Muslim arguments, between the lines Eliano demonstrates great respect for one of the two Muslims and acknowledges (p. 361) forms of piety common to Christians and Muslims.89 Pope Gregory XIII tasked Eliano with a project of translating the Bible into Arabic, which was conceived as an instrument for Eastern Christians but also for Muslims.
The actual work on the Arabic Bible started only in the 1620s and became a long-term project in Rome that raised endless doubts and discussions. The Arabic Bible was finally published by Propaganda Fide in 1671; some Jesuits were part of the committee that worked on the project, including Cornelius a Lapide (1567–1637), the Jesuit polyglot Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680), and Giambattista Giattini (1601–1672).90
Many Jesuits were also part of a large group of Eastern Arabic-speaking Christians (Copts, Jacobites, and Maronites) who lived in Rome during the seventeenth century and greatly contributed to the growth of Arabic studies.91 In particular, a group of Maronite Jesuits were professors of Arabic, either at the Roman College or the Maronite College, the latter founded in 1584 by Gregory XIII and run by Jesuits. Some students at the Maronite College joined the Society of Jesus and became professors and scholars of Arabic. Among them, Pietro Metoscita (1569–1625), professor of Arabic at the Roman College and author of an important Arabic grammar;92 Father Beniamino (1659–1743), the prefect of studies at the Maronite College who strongly supported the teaching of Arabic and Syrian, and translated many Catholic works into Arabic, including the Handbook for the Conversion of Muslims by Tirso González;93 and Teodoro Honorati (1721–1799), professor of Syrian and Arabic in Rome and Prague and author of a method for studying Arabic.94
Jesuit missionaries often contributed to a better knowledge of Islam. Michel Nau knew Arabic and Syrian and quoted the Qur’an in Arabic script; his book included passages set in Arabic typeface (not very common at that time) and also used Arabic sources.95 While the arguments and demonstrations of this French Jesuit were not new, he seemed to be anxious to clearly understand the Qur’an and to put himself in the place of Muslims by trying to predict the Islamic reaction to Christian argumentation. Nau was somewhat sympathetic to the Qur’an, claiming that “Christian truth lies implicit in the Qur’an, waiting only to be drawn out of it.”96 He was also more disposed than most of his contemporaries to accept the moral virtues of Muslims, for example, the zeal of their fasting, the regularity of their prayers, and their faithfulness to pilgrimage, even if he hastened to say that these were not signs of the truth of Islam, only of the virtues of Muslim people.97
Like Nau, many other Jesuit missionaries to the Near East translated Catholic texts into Arabic so they could be shared with Eastern Christians and occasionally be used in the apostolate toward Muslims. Among these, unsurprisingly, was Ignatius of Loyola’s Spiritual Exercises.98
Even when their focus was not on Arabic or Islamic studies, some of the seventeenth-century authors discussed in this chapter exhibited an interest in better understanding Islam. Tirso Gonzaléz, for instance, did not read Arabic, but made critical use of occidental sources and referred to many interesting and well-informed books.99 This approach earned him the admiration of Ludovico Marracci (1612–1700), one of the most famous seventeenth-century Catholic Arabists and translators of the Qur’an, who considered Gonzalez’s Handbook “an excellent work, as dignified as its author.”100
The Jesuit contribution to an understanding of Islam is still an understudied topic, and contemporary scholarship is continuing to discover new authors and works that deserve to be studied in depth.101 In Spain, besides the contribution of Ignacio Las Casas and other Jesuits of Morisco ancestry, the Jesuit Orientalist Tomás de Leon (1613–c. 1676) authored a (p. 362) Vocabulario arábigo-castellano y arábigo-latino and was part of a Spanish movement aiming at Arabic erudition that contributed to writing Spanish history in light of its Arabic past.102 In Italy, Jesuit sources are revealing the existence of local institutions that were dedicated to studying Arabic. In Naples, for instance, in 1603, the Jesuits founded the Academy of Languages not only to teach Arabic and other Eastern languages to missionaries who were going to Muslim countries, but also to train missionaries for the conversion of local Muslim slaves. Later, the Jesuit Pietro Ferraguto (d. 1656), the author of one of the first Turkish grammars in Europe, was called to Naples to teach Arabic.103 Despite the fact that the academy was a short-lived experiment that never really flourished, the mere fact of its creation shows a particular sensibility in a period when the academic study of Eastern languages was in its earliest stages. In the same period, the Italian Jesuit Ignazio Lomellini (1564–1644) authored a Latin translation of and commentary on the Qur’an (Animadversiones in Alcoranum, 1622, preserved in the library of Genoa); it is apparently the first translation of the Qur’an into a European language to be accompanied by the complete Arabic text. His scholarly works, which were never published, “while often inaccurate and wrongheaded, nonetheless reflect a great concentration on the text and a considerable sensitivity to its language.”104
None of the early modern Jesuits reached the same levels of accuracy and erudition in Islamic studies as some members of other religious orders, such as the Cleric Regular Minor Filippo Guadagnoli (1596–1656) or the Cleric Regular of the Mother of God Ludovico Marracci. However, the multiplicity of the pioneering Jesuit projects to teach Arabic, translate and publish books with Arabic typefaces, and study and translate the Qur’an is impressive and deserves to be studied more in depth.
The Jesuit approach to Islam and Muslims in early modern Europe was often marked by an attitude of strong negativity that was inherited from historical developments: as European Christians, Jesuits were immersed in a long tradition of apologetics and polemics that made them supporters of war against “the Turks.” At the same time, they were also open to various forms of accommodation when they had face-to-face encounters with Muslims, and were often intrigued by opportunities to study Arabic and Islamic culture.
This double-sided approach was partially shared by members of other religious orders in the same period. For Jesuits, however, the ambivalent attitude of Ignatius of Loyola toward Islam became a distinctive signature of their approach. The episode of Ignatius’s encounter with the Moor became famous within the Society and was recounted many times, including in Ignatius’s biographies and iconographies (such as the 1609 illustrated biography completed in furtherance of Ignatius’s cause for beatification),105 and even in sacred dramas about the Society of Jesus. Calderón’s El gran príncipe de fez, for instance, describes the crucial importance of this episode in Baldassarre Loyola’s conversion. In one of the scenes, while he was in Malta, Baldassarre happened upon the famous biography of Ignatius by Pedro de Ribadeneira. The passage describing Ignatius’s debate with the Moor attracted his attention and, while he read, the scene suddenly materialized in front of his eyes, becoming an important element in his conversion to Catholicism.
(p. 363) Traces of Ignatius’s personal experience and desires for his order can be found in the foundational document of the Society, the Formula of the Institute (1539). This document asserted that Jesuits were available to go anywhere—“among the Turks or other unbelievers, even those who live in the region called the Indies, or among any heretics whatever, or schismatics, or any of the faithful.”106 It is interesting to note that “Turks,” a word used to define Muslims in general, is listed first in this passage. The rest of the list moves from the farthest “other” to the nearest, from unbelievers in the Indies to faithful Christians in Europe.
Perhaps the Jesuit approach to Islam can be explained by using the concepts of “far” and “near.” Paradoxically, the “farther” away a population was, the greater was its attraction for the Jesuits, and the easier it became for them to imagine the possibility of conversion, as was the case with the Indies, the distant lands that nourished the imaginations of generations of Jesuits. In contrast, non-Catholic people much “closer to home”—such as Lutherans and Calvinists, but also Jews—were often considered a danger to the Catholic Church; they were stubborn heretics and difficult to convert, and the relationship with them was often marked by a warlike approach.
In this geography of souls, what was the place of Muslims? They had a particular role: sometimes they were perceived as near, geographically speaking, so near that they represented a potential danger for the faith, making it necessary to fight against the approaching “Mohammedan hydra,” as Islam was described in the introduction to Tirso González’s Handbook, to protect the church. At other times, the same Muslims were perceived as being far away in terms of language, habits, and culture, as the Formula of the Institute seems to suggest, and they represented the “other” par excellence.107 With them, it was possible to use the method of accommodation, as demonstrated by missionary practice and the unexpected example offered by Nadal’s defense of Ignatius’s Exercises.
Recent scholarship has acknowledged this particular role of Muslims in early modern Europe and has referred to them as “proximate others” or “familiar strangers.”108
But the “far” and the “near” that referred to Muslims had another meaning in the Jesuits’ mind. If the distant land was the dream of many missionaries, as the thousands of applications to the Indies (the litterae indipetae) show, the missions to European cities and countryside were often conceived as being secondary in importance. Preaching to Muslims in Europe was for many Jesuits almost like going to the Indies without crossing the sea. Even though Baldassarre Loyola hoped to spend his life in the “large field” of the Grand Mughal, he was asked by the superior general to “grow the little garden” of the apostolate with Muslim slaves in Naples.109 Tirso González, who repeatedly asked to go on overseas missions, found his vocation in the conversion of Muslims in Spain.110 In 1676, Francisco Poch, who wanted to be sent to Algiers but was required to stay in Barcelona, wrote to the general that on the galleys “the debates are so tireless and the fruit is so plentiful that everyone thinks that God our Lord has moved the Indies to this city. . . . It seems to me that our God wants me to cultivate with the local infidels my desire to go to Algiers.”111
The conversion of Muslims, because of their special status, was a strong desire of many Jesuit missionaries, and the idea of going “even among Turks” was perceived, within the Society, as much more than a remote possibility. Going on a mission to “the Turks” was a programmatic declaration of the universal horizon of the Society, the result of the indelible trace left by Ignatius’s attraction toward the Muslim world.
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(1.) For a synthesis and essential bibliography see Thomas Cohen and Emanuele Colombo, “Jesuit Missions,” in The Oxford Handbook of Early Modern History, ed. Hamish Scott (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 254–279.
(2.) After the pioneering work by Arnulf Camps, Jerome Xavier S. J. and the Muslims of the Mogul Empire: Controversial Works and Missionary Activity (Fribourg Switzerland: St. Paul’s Press, 1957), see Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Frank Disputations: Catholics and Muslims in the Court of Jahangir (1608–11),” in The Indian Economic and Social History Review 46 (2009): 457–511; Jorge Flores, The Mughal Padshah: A Jesuit Treatise on Emperor Jahangir’s Court and Household (Leiden: Brill, 2016).
(3.) Hugues Didier, Fantômes d’islam et de Chine: le voyage de Bento de Góis s.j. (1603–1607) (Paris: Éditions Chandeigne, 2003).
(4.) For an overview and bibliography see Karel Steenbrink, “Jesuits in Indonesia, 1546–2015,” Jesuit Historiography Online, accessed December 1, 2017, http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2468-7723_jho_COM_192544.
(5.) See Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, “ ‘Western Gods Meet in the East’: Shapes and Contexts of the Muslim-Jesuit Dialogue in Early Modern China,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 52, no. 2–3 (2012): 517–546; Benite, “Ricci et les ‘musulmans de Canton,’ ” in La Chine des Ming et de Matteo Ricci (1552–1610). Le premier dialogue des savoirs avec l’Europe, ed. Isabelle Landry-Deron (Paris: Institut Ricci, 2013), 89–106; Benite, “ ‘Like the Hebrews in Spain’: The Jesuit Encounter with Muslims in China and the Problem of Cultural Change,” Al-Quantara 36, no. 2 (2015): 503–530.
(6.) See, for instance, Bernard Lewis, Islam and the West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993).
(7.) See Jocelyne Dakhlia and Bernard Vincent, eds., Les musulmans dans l’histoire de l’Europe: I, Une intégration invisible (Paris: A. Michel, 2011); Jocelyne Dakhlia and Wolfgang Kaiser, eds., Les musulmans dans l’histoire de l’Europe: II, Passages et contacts en Méditerranée (Paris: A. Michel, 2013).
(8.) Ignatius of Loyola, Autobiography, n. 15, in Ignatius of Loyola. Spiritual Exercises and Selected Works, ed. G. Ganss (New York/Mahwah: Paulist Press, 1991), 65–112, here 74. For an up-to-date bibliography on Ignatius’s relationship with Islam, see Emanuele Colombo, “Defeating the Infidels, Helping Their Souls: Ignatius Loyola and Islam,” in A Companion to Ignatius of Loyola. Life, Writings, Spirituality, Influence, ed. Robert Maryks (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 179–197. See also Raymond de Fenoyl, Saint Ignace et l’Islam (Leuven: Xaveriana, 1938).
(9.) The house, which was in principle for neophytes coming from different backgrounds, actually hosted mainly male converted Jews. See Lance Gabriel Lazar, Working in the Vineyard of the Lord. Jesuit Confraternities in Early Modern Italy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), 106; Domenico Rocciolo, “Documenti sui catecumeni e neofiti a Roma nel Seicento e Settecento,” Ricerche per la storia religiosa di Roma, 10 (1998): 391–452.
(10.) Domenech to Loyola, Messina, December 30, 1553, in Monumenta paedagogica Societatis Jesu quae primam Rationem studiorum anno 1586 editam praecessere, ed. Vincentius Agustí et al. (Madrid: A. Avrial, 1901), 700–703, here 703; Ignatius to Lainez, Rome, January 13, 1554, and Ignatius to Polanco, Rome, January 15, 1554, in Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Societatis Jesu fundatoris epistolae et instructiones, vol. 6, ed. Vincentius Agustí and Marianus Lecina (Madrid: G. López del Horno, 1907), 162–164 and 187–189. See Colombo, “Defeating the Infidels,” passim.
(11.) The special college in Monreale, which came to be called the “Arabic College,” was open for a few months but was then abandoned. The College in Malta was successfully founded later, in 1592. See Carmel Cassar, “Collegium Melitense: Una misión fronteriza en la confluencia entre el mundo cristiano y el musulmán,” Al-Qanṭara 36, no. 2 (2015): 443–462.
(12.) Ignatius to Pedro Navarro, June 18, 1555, in Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Societatis Jesu fundatoris epistolae et instructiones, vol. 9, ed. Vincentius Agustí and Marianus Lecina (Madrid: G. López del Horno, 1909), 209–210.
(13.) Emanuele Colombo, “Entre guerre juste et accommodation. Antonio Possevino et l’islam,” Dix-septième siècle 268, no. 3 (2015): 393–408.
(14.) Antonii Possevini Societatis Iesu Bibliotheca Selecta qua agitur de ratione studiorum in Historia, in Disciplinis, In Salute omnium procuranda. Cum Diplomate Clementis VIII Pont. Max. (Rome: Typographia Apostolica Vaticana, 1593); 2nd ed. (Venice: Salicato, 1603); 3rd ed. (Köln: Gymnich, 1607). Here I quote from the second edition.
(15.) Antonio Possevino, Il soldato christiano con l’istruttione dei capi dello essercito catolico (Rome: Dorici, 1569). In the following year, there were other expanded editions and translations into Latin, Spanish, and French. The last Italian edition (Imberti: Venice, 1604) was dedicated to Cosimo II and was meant to be read by the Cavalieri di Santo Stefano di Pisa, engaged in anti-Muslim campaigns.
(19.) Francisco de Borja Medina, “La Compañía de Jesús y la minoría morisca (1545–1614),” Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 57 (1988): 3–134; Yousef El Alaoui, Jésuites, Morisques et Indiens: Étude comparative des méthodes d’évangélisation de la Compagnie de Jésus d’après les traités de José de Acosta (1588) et d’Ignacio de las Casas (1605–1607) (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2006).
(20.) Mercedes García-Arenal and Fernando Rodríguez Mediano, The Orient in Spain: Converted Muslims, the Forged Lead Books of Granada, and the Rise of Orientalism (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 29; A. Katie Harris, From Muslim to Christian Granada: Inventing a City’s Past in Early Modern Spain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010).
(21.) See Isabelle Poutrin, Convertir les musulmans. Espagne, 1491–1609 (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2012).
(22.) Antonio Feros, “Rhetorics of the Expulsion,” in The Expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain: A Mediterranean Diaspora, ed. Mercedes García-Arenal and Gerard Wiegel (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 60–101, here 72.
(23.) See, for instance, the two Jesuits of Morisco origins from Granada, Jerónimo Mur (1525–1602) and Juan de Albotodo (1527–1578), who preached in Arabic; the latter, however, did not know classic Arabic. See De Borja Medina, “La Compañía de Jesús y la minoría morisca.”
(24.) For a complete bibliography and list of the sources, see Emanuele Colombo, “A Muslim Turned Jesuit: Baldassarre Loyola Mandes (1631–1667),” Journal of Early Modern History 17 (2013): 479–504; Emanuele Colombo and Rocco Sacconaghi, “Telling the Untellable. Geography of Conversion of a Muslim Jesuit,” in Space and Conversion: A Global Approach, ed. Wietse De Boer, Aliocha Maldavsky, and Giuseppe Marcocci (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 285–307.
(25.) On Muslim slaves in early modern Mediterranean Europe, see Salvatore Bono, Schiavi. Una storia mediterranea (XVI–XIX secolo) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2016); Giovanna Fiume, Schiavitù mediterranee: Corsari, rinnegati e santi di età moderna (Milan: Mondadori, 2009). On the Jesuit apostolate to Muslim slaves, see Emanuele Colombo, “ ‘Infidels at Home: Jesuits and Muslim Slaves in Seventeenth-Century Naples and Spain,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 2 (2014): 192–211.
(26.) Beatriz Alonso Acero, Sultanes de Berbería en tierras de la cristiandad: Exilio musulmán, conversión y asimilación en la monarquía hispánica (siglos XVI y XVII) (Barcelona: Bellaterra, 2006).
(27.) The decree was introduced at the Fifth General Congregation (1593) and was abrogated in 1946. See For Matters of Greater Moment. The First Thirty Jesuit General Congregations: A Brief History and a Translation of the Decrees, ed. John W. Padberg, Martin O’Keefe, and John L. McCarthy (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1994); Robert Maryks, The Jesuit Order as a Synagogue of Jews. Jesuits of Jewish Ancestry and Purity-of-Blood Laws in the Early Society of Jesus (Leiden: Brill, 2008).
(29.) Baldassarre Loyolawas quoted in General Wlodimir Ledóchowski’s letter on the Jesuit apostolate to the Muslim world directed to all the provincials (Rome, August 15, 1937). De Mahumetanorum conversione rite paranda et promovenda, in Acta Romana Societatis Iesu, vol. 8, fasc. 3 (Rome, 1937), 784–792.
(30.) Enrique García Hernán, “La asistencia religiosa en la Armada de Lepanto,” Anthologica Annua 43 (1996): 213–263.
(31.) See Géraud Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade. Mythes et réalités de la lutte contre les Turcs aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Paris: PUF, 2004); Giovanni Ricci, Ossessione turca. In una retrovia cristiana dell’Europa moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2002).
(32.) See John Stoye, The Siege of Vienna: The Last Great Trial Between Cross & Crescent (New York: Pegasus, 2011).
(33.) See Thomas Michel, “Jesuit Writings on Islam in the Seventeenth Century,” Islamochristiana 15 (1989): 57–85; Emanuele Colombo, “Jesuits and Islam in Seventeenth-Century Europe: War, Preaching and Conversions,” in L’islam visto da occidente. Cultura e religione del Seicento europeo di fronte all’Islam, ed. Bernard Heyberger et al. (Milan-Genova: Marietti, 2009), 315–340.
(34.) See Mathias Taner, Societatis Jesu usque ad sanguinis et vitae profusionem militans, in Europa, Africa, Asia et America (Prague: Hampel, 1675).
(35.) Nicolò Maria Pallavicino was a theologian of the Sacred Penitentiary, a “qualifier” of the Holy Office, and the personal theologian of Maria Cristina of Sweden. He was the author of many theological writings. The following texts are relevant for the topic discussed here: Nicolò Maria Pallavicino, Le moderne prosperità della Chiesa Cattolica contro il Maccomettismo (Rome: Komarek, 1688); Pallavicino, L’evidente merito della fede cattolica ad essere creduta per vera (Rome: Komarek, 1689); Pallavicino, La grandezza della Madre di Dio contro le moderne eresie (Rome: Komarek, 1690). See Emanuele Colombo, “Niccolò Maria Pallavicino,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 9, Western and Southern Europe, ed. David Thomas and John Chesworth (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 807–811.
(36.) Paolo Segneri (d. 1694) was born in Nettuno (Rome), studied at the Collegio Romano, and was in his time a famous theologian, preacher, and polemicist. In 1692, he was named the personal preacher to Pope Innocent XII and a theologian of the Sacred Penitentiary. He died in Rome in 1694. See Paolo Segneri, L’incredulo senza scusa, dove si dimostra che non può non conoscere quale sia la vera Religione, chi vuol conoscerla (Milan: Agnelli, 1690).
(37.) Manuel Sanz was a Spanish Jesuit of the Sicilian province. He was a missionary in Malta, where he became rector of the Jesuit college and a qualifier of the Inquisition. Manuel Sanz, Breve trattato nel quale con ragioni dimostrative si convincono manifestamente i Turchi, senza che in guisa veruna possano negarlo, esser falsa la legge di Maometto, e vera solamente quella di Cristo (Catania: Bisagni, 1691). See Emanuele Colombo, “ ‘La setta malvaggia dell’Alcorano’. Emmanuele Sanz, S.J. (1646–1719) e il Breve trattato per convertire i Turchi,” Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa 51, no. 3 (2015): 1–25.
(38.) Michel Nau was born in Tours, and in 1665 was assigned to the Jesuit house in Aleppo, where he remained until 1682. Michel Nau, Religio Christiana contra Alcoranum per Alcoranum pacifice defensa ac provata (Paris: Gabriel Martinus, 1680); Nau, L’état présent de la religion mahométane, contenant le choses, les plus curieuses qui regardent Mahomet et l’établissement de la secte (Paris: Boüillerot, 1684). See Bernard Heyberger, “Nau Michel,” in Dictionnaire des orientalistes de langue française, ed. François Pouillon (Paris: Karthala, 2008), 717–718.
(39.) On Tirso González de Santalla, see Elias Reyero, Misiones del P. Tirso González de Santalla, XIII prepósito general de la Compañía de Jesús (Santiago: Tipografía Editorial Compostelana, 1913); Bernard Vincent, « Musulmans et conversion en Espagne au XVIIe siècle, » in Conversions islamiques: identités religieuses en Islam méditerranéen, ed. Mercedes García-Arenal (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 2001), 193–203; Emanuele Colombo, “Even among Turks. Tirso González de Santalla (1624–1705) and Islam,” Studies on Jesuit Spirituality 44, no. 3 (2012): 1–41; Jean-Pascal Gay, Jesuit Civil Wars: Theology, Politics and Government Under Tirso González (1687–1705) (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012).
(40.) Tirso González de Santalla, Manuductio ad conversionem Mahumetanorum in duas partes divisa. In prima veritas religionis catholicae-romanae manifestis notis demonstratur. In secunda falsitas mahumetanae sectae convincitur (Madrid: Villa-Diego, 1687). Several editions followed and a manuscript translation in Arabic is preserved at the Vatican Library. In this chapter, I quote from the edition printed in Dillingen in 1689.
(41.) Pallavicino, Le moderne prosperità, 170–171, 251ff. Thomas Michel reveals Pallavicino’s selective use of history for propagandistic goals. “His silence concerning the significant role of Orthodox Russia in the Holy League, the earlier Venetian refusal to take part in an anti-Ottoman Holy League which led to the papal interdict of 1605, and the contemporary opposition of Catholic France leads to the conclusion that Pallavicino has been highly selective in his use of history.” Michel, “Jesuit Writings on Islam,” 81.
(45.) This is a traditional medieval argument, reintroduced by González, Sanz, and Nau.
(50.) González de Santalla, Manuductio, 2:88, 208; Pallavicino, Le moderne prosperità, 12. This is a classic argument that became very popular in anti-Islamic treatises in the West. See Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image (Edinburg: Oneworld, 1960); Norman Daniel, The Arabs and Medieval Europe (London: Longman, 1979), 242; John Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002). For the use of this argument in fifteenth-century Spain, see Ana Echevarria, The Fortress of Faith: The Attitude towards Muslims in Fifteenth Century Spain (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 164–165.
(53.) Daniel, Islam and the West, 271–307; Tolan, Saracens. For the sources relating to Tirso González, see Emanuele Colombo, Convertire i musulmani. L’esperienza di un gesuita spagnolo del Seicento (Milan: Mondadori, 2007), 159ff; Michel, Jesuit Writings, 67–68.
(57.) Peter Pázmány, Az Mostan Tamat Vy Tvdomaniok Hamissaganak Tiiz Nilvan Valo Bizonisaga es Reovid Intes A Teoreok Birodalomrul es vallasrul iratot Pazmani Petertül (Graecii Styriae: Widmanstad, 1605). This work, a treatise against Protestants, contains an appendix on the “Turkish Empire and Religion.”
(58.) István Szántó, Confutatio Alcorani (1611), ed. István Dávid Lázár (Szeged: Scriptum, 1990). On Pázmáni and Szanto, see Paul Shore, “Two Hungarian Jesuits and the Qur’an: Understanding, Misunderstanding, and Polemic,” Journal of Qur’anic Studies, forthcoming. I am grateful to the author who shared with me the manuscript of this article. See also Paul Shore, Jesuits and the Politics of Religious Pluralism in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania: Culture, Politics, and Religion (Aldershot/Rome: Ashgate/Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2007).
(59.) See Benjamin Z. Ḳedar, Crusade and Mission: European Approaches toward the Muslims (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984).
(60.) The great body of scholarship on the Moriscos produced over the past few decades has somehow obscured an intriguing paradox: the same monarchy that expelled converted Muslims, whose ancestors had lived in Spain for centuries, welcomed at the same time other Muslims coming from outside with the hope of converting them.
(61.) Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Ital. 62, 139v; 299; 317. Ital. 63, 144v; 148v. See also Giuliana Boccadamo, Napoli e l’Islam: Storie di musulmani, schiavi e rinnegati in età moderna (Naples: D’Auria, 2010), 11–12. On Jesuit economic attitudes and financial dealings see the chapter in this volume by Frederik Vermote.
(62.) Benjamin Z. Kedar, “Muslim Conversion in Canon Law,” in Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Berkeley, California, July 28–August 2, 1980, ed. Stephan Kuttner and Kenneth Pennington (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1985), 321–332.
(63.) Mercedes García–Arenal, “Religious Dissent and Minorities: The Morisco Age,” Journal of Modern History 81 (2009): 888–920. On the idea of “toleration” in early modern Europe, see Stuart Schwartz, All Can Be Saved. Religious Tolerance and Salvation in the Iberian Atlantic World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008); Benjamin Kaplan, Divided by Faith. Religious Conflict and the Practice of Toleration in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007).
(67.) Nau, L’Etat présent, 2 Avertissement, quoted in Bernard Heyberger, “Polemic Dialogues between Christians and Muslims in the Seventeenth Century,” in Cultural Dialogue in South Asia and Beyond: Narratives, Images and Community (16th–19th centuries), ed. Corinne Lefèvre and Ines G. Županov, in a special issue of the Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 55 (2012): 495–516, here 498.
(71.) Francisco Poch to Gianpaolo Oliva, November 10, 1680, ARSI, Arag. 27-II, 95. On the use of images in Spain an earlier period, see Felipe Pereda, Las imágenes de la discordia: Política y poética de la imagen sagrada en la España del cuatrocientos (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2008).
(72.) See Rita George Tvrtković, Christians, Muslims, and Mary: A History (New York: Paulist Press, 2018).
(73.) Jerónimo Nadal, Apologia pro Exercitiis S.P. Ignatii (1554–1556), in Epistolae P. Hieronymi Nadal Societatis Jesu ab anno 1546 ad 1577 nunc primum editae et illustratae a Patribus ejusdem Societatis, vol. quartus: Selecta Natalis Monumenta in ejus epistolis commemorata, ed. Fridericus Cervós (Madrid: G. López del Horno, 1905), 820–873.
(74.) See William V. Bangert and Thomas M. McCoog, eds., Jerome Nadal, S.J., 1507–1580. Tracking the First Generation of Jesuits (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1992), 79.
(75.) On Jesuits and alumbrados, see Guido Mongini, Maschere dell’identità: Alle origini della Compagnia di Gesù (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 2016); see also the chapter by Stefania Pastore in this volume.
(76.) Juan Martínez Silíceo (d. 1557) was elected archbishop of Toledo in 1546. Tomás de Pedroche (d. 1565) was a Dominican theologian and professor at the University of Toledo.
(77.) See Terence O’Reilly, “The Spiritual Exercises and Illuminism in Spain: Dominican Critics of the Early Society of Jesus,” in Ite Inflammate Omnia. Selected Historical Papers from Conferences Held at Loyola and Rome in 2006, ed. Thomas McCoog (Rome: IHSI, 2010), 199–228. On Ignatius and alumbradism, see Stefania Pastore, “Unwise Paths: Ignatius Loyola and the Years of Alcalá de Henares,” and Sabina Pavone, “A Saint under Trial: Ignatius of Loyola between Alcalá and Rome,” in Maryks, A Companion to Ignatius of Loyola, 25–44 and 45–65.
(78.) See Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Societatis Jesu fundatoris epistolae et instructiones, vol. 8, ed. Vincentius Agustí and Marianus Lecina (Madrid: G. López del Horno, 1909), 253.
(81.) Le Mahométisme toléré par les jésuites dans l’isle de Chio (n.p.: n.p., 1711). Jacques-Hyacinthe Serry was strongly engaged in the anti-Jesuit polemic. In this volume see the chapter by Stefania Tutino on accommodation, the chapter on rites controversies by Claudia von Collani, and the chapter on Asian missions by Hélène Vu Thanh.
(82.) Alastair Hamilton, “The Study of Islam in Early Modern Europe,” Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 3 (2001): 169–182, here 170. See also Bernard Heyberger, “L’Orient et l’islam dans l’érudition européenne du xviie siècle,” Dix-septième siècle 268, no. 3 (2015): 495–508; Alexander Bevilacqua, The Republic of Arabic Letters: Islam and the European Enlightenment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018).
(83.) Aurélien Girard, Le christianisme oriental (XVIIe–XVIIIe siècles). Essor de l’orientalisme catholique en Europe et construction des identités confessionnelles au Proche–Orient, PhD diss., Paris, École Pratique des Hautes Études, 2011.
(84.) Vincenzo Poggi, “Arabismo gesuita nei secoli XVI–XVIII,” in Eulogēma: Studies in Honor of Robert Taft, S.J., ed. E. Carr et al. (Rome: Pontificio Ateneo S. Anselmo, 1993), 339–372.
(85.) William Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi: The Career and Thought of Guillaume Postel (1510–1581) (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 11–13; Hartmut Bobzin, Der Koran im Zeitalter der Reformation: Studien zur Frühgeschichte der Arabistik und Islamkunde in Europa (Berlin: Orient–Institut der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1995).
(86.) Monumenta paedagogica Societatis Iesu, vol. 1: 1540–1556, ed. Ladislaus Lukács (Rome: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, 1965), 144–145. On Acquaviva, see Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Vitae 144-I, f. 57v. See also Aurelien Girard, “Teaching and Learning Arabic in Early Modern Rome: Shaping a Missionary Language,” in The Teaching and Learning of Arabic in Early Modern Europe, ed. Jan Loop, Alastair Hamilton, and Charles Burnett (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 189–229.
(87.) Poggi, “Arabismo gesuita,” 371; Francisco de Borja Medina, “Legación pontificia a los siros-ortodoxos, 1583–1584. Las relaciones de Ignacio de la Casas de la Compañía de Jesús,” Orientalia Christiana Periodica 55 (1989): 125–167, here 144.
(88.) Giuseppe Castellani, “La tipografia del Collegio Romano,” Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 2 (1933): 11–16.
(89.) Aurélien Girard, “Giovanni Battista Eliano” and “Muṣāḥaba rūḥānīya the spiritual conversation,” in Christian–Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History, vol. 7, Central and Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and South America (1500–1600), ed. David Thomas and John Chesworth (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 724–731.
(90.) Girard, Le christianisme oriental, 435–454. Kircher and Giattini were also part of the committee created by Rome to examine and translate the Lead Books of Granada. See Mercedes García–Arenal and Fernando Rodriguez Mediano, The Orient in Spain: Converted Muslims, the Forged Lead Books of Granada, and the Rise of Orientalism (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 31.
(91.) Sami Kuri, “Vocations orientales à la Compagnie de Jésus aux XVIe, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles,” Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 56 (1987): 117–154.
(92.) Petrus Metoscita, Institutiones linguae arabicae, ex diversis Arabum monumentis collectae et ad quam maximam fieri potuit brevitatem atque ordinem revocatae, quibus addita est exercitatio grammatica in Psalmum XXXIV (Rome: Paolini, 1624). On Pietro Metoscita (al-Matushi), see Kuri, “Vocations orientales,” 121–123; Poggi, “Arabismo gesuita,” 354.
(94.) The grammar was never published and is preserved at the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Opp. NN. 343, ff. 11–97. On Honorati (Tadros Adem), see Kuri, “Vocations orientales,” 149–150; Poggi, “Arabismo gesuita,” 364–365.
(95.) Nau also wrote a Protestation of the Holy Church of the Rum, on the Rectitude of Their Faith, written in Arabic and addressed to Arabic-speaking readers (Ihtijāj kanīsat al-rūm al-muqaddasa fi istiqāma īmānihā, Bibliothèque Orientale, Beirut, Manuscript 709). See Heyberger, “Polemic Dialogues,” 498–499.
(96.) Daniel, Islam and the West, 285. The attempts of Nau to render a “Christian reading” of the Qur’an are very interesting, for example, his attempt to demonstrate that the Qur’an teaches the triune nature of God. See the same argument in González de Santalla, Manuductio, 2:74.
(100.) Ludovico Marracci, Prodromus ad refutationem Alcorani (Rome: Propaganda Fide, 1691), 7. On Ludovico Marracci, see Gian Luca d’Errico, ed., Il Corano e il pontefice: Ludovico Marracci fra cultura islamica e curia papale (Rome: Carocci, 2015).
(101.) In the archives of the Real Academia de la historia, for instance, a manuscript by the Spanish Jesuit Juan de Almarza (1619–1669) is preserved, a Catechism for the Conversion of Muslims that needs to be studied in depth. See Mercedes García-Arenal, “Mi padre moro, yo moro. The Inheritance of Belief in Early Modern Iberia,” in After Conversion: Iberia and the Emergence of Modernity, ed. Mercedes García-Arenal (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 304–335; Emanuele Colombo, “Juan de Almarza,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 9, 339–342.
(103.) The manuscript of Ferragutos’s grammar is preserved at the Biblioteca Nazionale of Naples, Ms. III F 52. See Saverio Santagata, Istoria della Compagnia di Gesù appartenente al Regno di Napoli (Naples: Mazzola, 1756–1757), 4:99–102, 157, 348–358, 569–573. Alessio Bombaci, “Padre Pietro Ferraguto e la sua Grammatica turca (1611),” Annali dell’Istituto Orientale di Napoli 1 (1940): 205–236; Luciano Rocchi, Il “Dittionario della Lingua Turchesca” di Pietro Ferraguto (1611) (Trieste: Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2012).
(104.) Paul Shore, “An Early Jesuit Encounter with the Qur’ān: Ignazio Lomellini’s Animadversiones, Notae ac Disputationes in Pestilentem Alcoranum,” American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 43, no. 1 (2017): 1–22, here 15. See also Giorgio Levi dalla Vida, “Il P. Ludovico Marracci e la sua opera negli studi islamici,” Atti dell’Accademia lucchese di scienze, lettere ed arti, n.s. 3, no. 7 (1949): 105–125, here 124 n. 33.
(105.) See Pedro de Ribadeneira, Vita beati patris Ignatii Loyolae Societatis Iesu fundatoris (Rome: n.e., 1609), and the modem edition: John W. O’Malley and James P. M. Walsh, eds., Constructing a Saint through Images: The 1609 Illustrated Biography of Ignatius of Loyola (Philadelphia: St. Joseph’s University Press, 2008).
(106.) Regimini Militantis Ecclesiae, 3. See Agusto Coemans, Introducción al estudio de la fórmula del Instituto S.I. (Rome: Centrum Ignatianum Spiritualis, 1974).
(107.) The idea of the “distance” of Muslims, even when they were geographically close, often appears in the letters of Jesuit missionaries involved in the pastoral care of Muslims in Europe. See Colombo, “Infidels at Home.”
(108.) Daniel A. Madigan, “Global Visions in Contestation: Jesuits and Muslims in the Age of Empires,” in The Jesuits and Globalization: Historical Legacies and Contemporary Challenges, ed. Thomas Banchoff and José Casanova (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2016), 69–91; Lucette Valensi, Ces étrangers familiers. Musulmans en Europe (XVIe–XVIIIe siècles) (Paris: Payot, 2012).
(110.) See Emanuele Colombo, “In virtù dell’obbedienza. Tirso González de Santalla (1624–1705) missionario, teologo, generale,” in Avventure dell’obbedienza nella Compagnia di Gesù: Teorie e prassi fra XVI e XIX secolo, ed. Claudio Ferlan and Fernanda Alfieri (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2012), 97–137.
(111.) Poch to Oliva, July 2, 1676, and March 27, 1680 (Archivum Rromanum Societatis Iesu, Arag. 27 II, 86, 92).