- Copyright Page
- Acknowledgments
- List of Contributors
- Women, Peace, and Security: A Transformative Agenda?
- Peace and Security from a Feminist Perspective
- Adoption of 1325 Resolution
- Civil Society’s Leadership in Adopting 1325 Resolution
- Scholarly Debates and Contested Meanings of WPS
- Advocacy and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda
- WPS as a Political Movement
- Locating Masculinities in WPS
- WPS and Adopted Security Council Resolutions
- WPS and Gender Mainstreaming
- The Production of the 2015 Global Study
- WPS and Conflict Prevention
- What Works in Participation
- What Works (and Fails) in Protection
- What Works in Relief and Recovery
- Where the WPS Pillars Intersect
- WPS and Female Peacekeepers
- WPS and SEA in Peacekeeping Operations
- WPS and Peacekeeping Economies
- WPS in Military Training and Socialization
- WPS and Policing: New Terrain
- WPS, States, and the National Action Plans
- WPS inside the United Nations
- WPS and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Sexual Violence in Conflict
- WPS and the Human Rights Council
- WPS and International Financial Institutions
- WPS and the International Criminal Court
- WPS and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
- WPS and the African Union
- WPS and the Association of South East Asian Nations
- WPS and the Pacific Islands Forum
- WPS and the Organization of American States
- WPS and Civil Society
- WPS and Transnational Feminist Networks
- Delivering WPS Protection in All Female Peacekeeping Force: The Case of Liberia
- Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements: The Case of Colombia
- WPS and Women’s Roles in Conflict-Prevention: The Case of Bougainville
- Women in Rebellion: The Case of Sierra Leone
- Protecting Displaced Women and Girls: The Case of Syria
- Donor States Delivering on WPS: The Case of Norway
- WPS as Diplomatic Vocation: The Case of China
- Women Controlling Arms, Building Peace: The Case of the Philippines
- Testing the WPS Agenda: The Case of Afghanistan
- Mainstreaming WPS in the Armed Forces: The Case of Australia
- WPS and Responsibility to Protect
- WPS and Protection of Civilians
- WPS, Children, and Armed Conflict
- WPS, Gender, and Disabilities
- WPS and Humanitarian Action
- WPS, Migration, and Displacement
- WPS and LGBTI Rights
- WPS and CEDAW, Optional Protocol, and General Recommendations
- Women’s Roles in CVE
- WPS and Arms Trade Treaty
- WPS and Sustainable Development Goals
- WPS and the Convention against Torture
- WPS and Climate Change
- Global Study: Looking Forward
- Measuring WPS: A New Global Index
- Pursuing Gender Security
- The Challenge of Foreign Policy in the WPS Agenda
- Networked Advocacy
- Women’s Peacemaking in South Asia
- WPS, Peace Negotiations, and Peace Agreements
- The WPS Agenda: A Postcolonial Critique
- The WPS Agenda and Strategy for the Twenty-First Century
- The Challenges of Monitoring and Analyzing WPS for Scholars
- Index
Abstract and Keywords
The negotiation and adoption of the 2013 Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) made history by including a legally binding provision connecting the proliferation and use of weapons and the prevention of gender-based violence (GBV). The implementation of this treaty could potentially move forward both the prevention of conflict and GBV, and therefore the implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. However, recent efforts to advance this agenda continue to be stymied by political and economic interests, with global arms sales amounting to at least $80 billion. The WPS agenda and the ATT have overlapping aims and the potential to reinforce each other in promoting peace. Yet as this chapter suggests, both become meaningless at best, or counterproductive at worst, when employed to legitimize militarism and undermine peace and security. This chapter argues that the culture and political economy of militarism work against effective implementation of the ATT and WPS agenda. It suggests that successful implementation of the ATT and WPS agenda requires actors to constantly challenge the dominant norm of associating militancy with masculinity.
Keywords: global arms sales, Arms Trade Treaty, militarism
Ray Acheson is Director of Reaching Critical Will, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), New York.
Maria Butler is Global Programmes Director at the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), Geneva, Switzerland.
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- Copyright Page
- Acknowledgments
- List of Contributors
- Women, Peace, and Security: A Transformative Agenda?
- Peace and Security from a Feminist Perspective
- Adoption of 1325 Resolution
- Civil Society’s Leadership in Adopting 1325 Resolution
- Scholarly Debates and Contested Meanings of WPS
- Advocacy and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda
- WPS as a Political Movement
- Locating Masculinities in WPS
- WPS and Adopted Security Council Resolutions
- WPS and Gender Mainstreaming
- The Production of the 2015 Global Study
- WPS and Conflict Prevention
- What Works in Participation
- What Works (and Fails) in Protection
- What Works in Relief and Recovery
- Where the WPS Pillars Intersect
- WPS and Female Peacekeepers
- WPS and SEA in Peacekeeping Operations
- WPS and Peacekeeping Economies
- WPS in Military Training and Socialization
- WPS and Policing: New Terrain
- WPS, States, and the National Action Plans
- WPS inside the United Nations
- WPS and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Sexual Violence in Conflict
- WPS and the Human Rights Council
- WPS and International Financial Institutions
- WPS and the International Criminal Court
- WPS and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
- WPS and the African Union
- WPS and the Association of South East Asian Nations
- WPS and the Pacific Islands Forum
- WPS and the Organization of American States
- WPS and Civil Society
- WPS and Transnational Feminist Networks
- Delivering WPS Protection in All Female Peacekeeping Force: The Case of Liberia
- Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements: The Case of Colombia
- WPS and Women’s Roles in Conflict-Prevention: The Case of Bougainville
- Women in Rebellion: The Case of Sierra Leone
- Protecting Displaced Women and Girls: The Case of Syria
- Donor States Delivering on WPS: The Case of Norway
- WPS as Diplomatic Vocation: The Case of China
- Women Controlling Arms, Building Peace: The Case of the Philippines
- Testing the WPS Agenda: The Case of Afghanistan
- Mainstreaming WPS in the Armed Forces: The Case of Australia
- WPS and Responsibility to Protect
- WPS and Protection of Civilians
- WPS, Children, and Armed Conflict
- WPS, Gender, and Disabilities
- WPS and Humanitarian Action
- WPS, Migration, and Displacement
- WPS and LGBTI Rights
- WPS and CEDAW, Optional Protocol, and General Recommendations
- Women’s Roles in CVE
- WPS and Arms Trade Treaty
- WPS and Sustainable Development Goals
- WPS and the Convention against Torture
- WPS and Climate Change
- Global Study: Looking Forward
- Measuring WPS: A New Global Index
- Pursuing Gender Security
- The Challenge of Foreign Policy in the WPS Agenda
- Networked Advocacy
- Women’s Peacemaking in South Asia
- WPS, Peace Negotiations, and Peace Agreements
- The WPS Agenda: A Postcolonial Critique
- The WPS Agenda and Strategy for the Twenty-First Century
- The Challenges of Monitoring and Analyzing WPS for Scholars
- Index