- Copyright Page
- Acknowledgments
- List of Contributors
- Women, Peace, and Security: A Transformative Agenda?
- Peace and Security from a Feminist Perspective
- Adoption of 1325 Resolution
- Civil Society’s Leadership in Adopting 1325 Resolution
- Scholarly Debates and Contested Meanings of WPS
- Advocacy and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda
- WPS as a Political Movement
- Locating Masculinities in WPS
- WPS and Adopted Security Council Resolutions
- WPS and Gender Mainstreaming
- The Production of the 2015 Global Study
- WPS and Conflict Prevention
- What Works in Participation
- What Works (and Fails) in Protection
- What Works in Relief and Recovery
- Where the WPS Pillars Intersect
- WPS and Female Peacekeepers
- WPS and SEA in Peacekeeping Operations
- WPS and Peacekeeping Economies
- WPS in Military Training and Socialization
- WPS and Policing: New Terrain
- WPS, States, and the National Action Plans
- WPS inside the United Nations
- WPS and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Sexual Violence in Conflict
- WPS and the Human Rights Council
- WPS and International Financial Institutions
- WPS and the International Criminal Court
- WPS and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
- WPS and the African Union
- WPS and the Association of South East Asian Nations
- WPS and the Pacific Islands Forum
- WPS and the Organization of American States
- WPS and Civil Society
- WPS and Transnational Feminist Networks
- Delivering WPS Protection in All Female Peacekeeping Force: The Case of Liberia
- Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements: The Case of Colombia
- WPS and Women’s Roles in Conflict-Prevention: The Case of Bougainville
- Women in Rebellion: The Case of Sierra Leone
- Protecting Displaced Women and Girls: The Case of Syria
- Donor States Delivering on WPS: The Case of Norway
- WPS as Diplomatic Vocation: The Case of China
- Women Controlling Arms, Building Peace: The Case of the Philippines
- Testing the WPS Agenda: The Case of Afghanistan
- Mainstreaming WPS in the Armed Forces: The Case of Australia
- WPS and Responsibility to Protect
- WPS and Protection of Civilians
- WPS, Children, and Armed Conflict
- WPS, Gender, and Disabilities
- WPS and Humanitarian Action
- WPS, Migration, and Displacement
- WPS and LGBTI Rights
- WPS and CEDAW, Optional Protocol, and General Recommendations
- Women’s Roles in CVE
- WPS and Arms Trade Treaty
- WPS and Sustainable Development Goals
- WPS and the Convention against Torture
- WPS and Climate Change
- Global Study: Looking Forward
- Measuring WPS: A New Global Index
- Pursuing Gender Security
- The Challenge of Foreign Policy in the WPS Agenda
- Networked Advocacy
- Women’s Peacemaking in South Asia
- WPS, Peace Negotiations, and Peace Agreements
- The WPS Agenda: A Postcolonial Critique
- The WPS Agenda and Strategy for the Twenty-First Century
- The Challenges of Monitoring and Analyzing WPS for Scholars
- Index
Abstract and Keywords
Over two decades, diverse actors have been fashioning a collective response to the disproportionate impact of modern war on women. Motivating factors have included an emerging recognition of the need for human security and growing awareness that military force is insufficient. Where women are concerned, the WPS agenda has become a key mechanism in the pursuit of inclusive policies. For example, survivors of 1990s genocide have campaigned for UN action to ensure women’s full participation in security decisions by employing the principles of WPS in their advocacy. Moreover, the experiences of women in conflict, coupled with their exclusion from formal processes, have inspired a groundswell of political activism among women. This chapter examines the key milestones and motivators of this movement. In doing so, it demonstrates that as international policymakers engaged, a broader range of champions accelerated the movement. We suggest that despite challenges, the political movement associated with WPS has facilitated the creation of tools, including national action plans and UN Security Council Resolution 1325, that acknowledge the positive contributions of women’s meaningful inclusion.
Keywords: advocacy, political movement, milestones, human security, national action plans
Swanee Hunt is Founder of Inclusive Security, and Eleanor Roosevelt Lecturer in Public Policy, Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, USA.
Alice Wairimu Nderitu is armed conflict mediator, member of Women Waging Peace Network, and Commissioner of National Cohesion and Integration Commission, Kenya.
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- Copyright Page
- Acknowledgments
- List of Contributors
- Women, Peace, and Security: A Transformative Agenda?
- Peace and Security from a Feminist Perspective
- Adoption of 1325 Resolution
- Civil Society’s Leadership in Adopting 1325 Resolution
- Scholarly Debates and Contested Meanings of WPS
- Advocacy and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda
- WPS as a Political Movement
- Locating Masculinities in WPS
- WPS and Adopted Security Council Resolutions
- WPS and Gender Mainstreaming
- The Production of the 2015 Global Study
- WPS and Conflict Prevention
- What Works in Participation
- What Works (and Fails) in Protection
- What Works in Relief and Recovery
- Where the WPS Pillars Intersect
- WPS and Female Peacekeepers
- WPS and SEA in Peacekeeping Operations
- WPS and Peacekeeping Economies
- WPS in Military Training and Socialization
- WPS and Policing: New Terrain
- WPS, States, and the National Action Plans
- WPS inside the United Nations
- WPS and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Sexual Violence in Conflict
- WPS and the Human Rights Council
- WPS and International Financial Institutions
- WPS and the International Criminal Court
- WPS and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
- WPS and the African Union
- WPS and the Association of South East Asian Nations
- WPS and the Pacific Islands Forum
- WPS and the Organization of American States
- WPS and Civil Society
- WPS and Transnational Feminist Networks
- Delivering WPS Protection in All Female Peacekeeping Force: The Case of Liberia
- Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements: The Case of Colombia
- WPS and Women’s Roles in Conflict-Prevention: The Case of Bougainville
- Women in Rebellion: The Case of Sierra Leone
- Protecting Displaced Women and Girls: The Case of Syria
- Donor States Delivering on WPS: The Case of Norway
- WPS as Diplomatic Vocation: The Case of China
- Women Controlling Arms, Building Peace: The Case of the Philippines
- Testing the WPS Agenda: The Case of Afghanistan
- Mainstreaming WPS in the Armed Forces: The Case of Australia
- WPS and Responsibility to Protect
- WPS and Protection of Civilians
- WPS, Children, and Armed Conflict
- WPS, Gender, and Disabilities
- WPS and Humanitarian Action
- WPS, Migration, and Displacement
- WPS and LGBTI Rights
- WPS and CEDAW, Optional Protocol, and General Recommendations
- Women’s Roles in CVE
- WPS and Arms Trade Treaty
- WPS and Sustainable Development Goals
- WPS and the Convention against Torture
- WPS and Climate Change
- Global Study: Looking Forward
- Measuring WPS: A New Global Index
- Pursuing Gender Security
- The Challenge of Foreign Policy in the WPS Agenda
- Networked Advocacy
- Women’s Peacemaking in South Asia
- WPS, Peace Negotiations, and Peace Agreements
- The WPS Agenda: A Postcolonial Critique
- The WPS Agenda and Strategy for the Twenty-First Century
- The Challenges of Monitoring and Analyzing WPS for Scholars
- Index