This article looks at the known foundational results on spatial models of elections. The issues of equilibrium existence, the characterization of equilibria (in terms of their social welfare properties), and the distance between equilibrium policy and positions of the candidates are examined. It then discusses the results of the case where candidates are able to give precise predictions of voters' behaviour precisely; the article also introduces the ‘Downsian model’. The article looks at two models of probabilistic voting, before finally moving on to consider the most common objective functions that are used to model the electoral incentives of different types of candidates.
Tom W.G. van der Meer
The relationships among objective macroeconomic outcomes, subjective evaluations, and political trust are widely studied. Yet, these relationships are not as straightforward as they might seem. This chapter first provides an overview of the main theoretical propositions in the literature as well as their critiques. Next, the chapter analyzes empirical analyses of the relationship between economic performance and political trust. While subjective evaluations of the economy are consistently related to political trust across the globe, the effect of objective macroeconomic performance depends on theoretical and methodological specifications. Objective performance indicators determine political trust in longitudinal rather than in cross-sectional analyses, suggesting that citizens’ historical rather than cross-national comparison of the state of their economy lies at the basis of this effect.
Karina Standal, Tanja Winther, and Katrine Danielsen
Policy makers and scholars often assume gender to be irrelevant in energy politics. However, an increasing body of scholarship and development policies has focused on how gender discrimination has negative effects on women’s access to energy resources and equal contributions to decision-making processes that influence energy issues. This article evaluates four overarching and salient policy and research discourses that frame women’s and men’s positions in benefiting from and participating in decision-making about energy. First, energy has mainly been perceived as gender neutral, ignoring gendered outcomes of energy policies. Second, women have been presented as victims of energy poverty in the global South to instigate donors and action. Third, women’s empowerment in the global South has been presented as instrumental to increasing productivity and economic growth through access to modern sources and uses of energy. These discourses have produced narratives that provide limited imaginaries of women’s agency and relevance to the politics of energy in their lives. The fourth and less familiar discourse has presented women as rights holders of basic services, including access to modern and sustainable energy. This last discourse has provided a tool for examining the deeper unequal structures, as well as holding stakeholders in supply accountable for reproducing gender equality, needed to understand and produce relevant and socially just knowledge.
David B. Magleby
A necessary element of electoral campaigns in mass democracies is money to fund candidate or party campaigns. This is especially true in the United States with its largely privately funded campaigns and primary elections, which determine party nominees. Campaigns expend these funds to persuade voters to turn out and vote for their preferred candidate. Factors such as competitiveness, electoral size, and type of election influence the importance and effectiveness of campaign spending. Since one marker of candidate viability is early fundraising efforts, called the “money primary,” candidates in privately funded systems must first persuade individuals and groups to contribute to their campaigns or spend independently on their behalf. What, if any, limits are placed on who and how much can be contributed to campaigns also play a large role in US elections. Since 2010, there has been a movement away from limiting what individuals and groups, including unions and corporations, can contribute and spend independently on races. These finances fund persuasion efforts, which have largely been on paid television advertising, but have increasingly been spent on database development for individual voter contacts and on social media. These persuasion efforts have changed in recent elections, as the Obama presidential campaigns made innovative use of email and social media, and the Trump campaign of 2016 expanded the use of Facebook and other social media compared to prior campaigns. In all cases, spending on electoral persuasion is used to mobilize or demobilize voters or motivate donors.
Jason Kuo and Megumi Naoi
Studies on individual attitudes toward trade have flourished over the past two decades. They sought to understand how ordinary citizens form positions on trade policy and how voter attitudes can influence trade policy outcomes. This chapter critically reviews the evolution of this literature. It examines published and ongoing works on economic, ideational, and political origins of mass attitudes toward trade, using data from public opinion surveys and revealed preferences such as referendums. The chapter then discusses emerging experimental studies that have sought to address common endogeneity and collinearity issues that have slowed progress in this literature. In concluding, the chapter discusses promising lines of future research, such as studies that fill the missing link between individual attitudes and behaviors and the missing link between individual attitudes and group behaviors.
Adrian Leftwich and Heather Lyne De Ver
This chapter focuses on the role of leadership in economic development. It first defines leadership as a collective political process, not simply or solely as a function of the attributes, traits, and activities of individuals in the tradition of the “great man/woman” of history. Second, the chapter locates leadership within a theoretical context about how economic and political development happens. Third, the chapter undertakes a political analysis of how actors—as agents (individual and collective)—interpret their interests and ideas, make choices, frame and strategize their activities, and encounter and interact with each other and their interests in the context of different structures of power.
One of the audiences to whom political candidates must make persuasive appeals is campaign donors. US elections require private financing and are the most expensive in the democratic world. Candidates without personal wealth are, therefore, compelled to make appeals to potential donors on a regular basis. This chapter considers the barriers that low-resource candidates face in appealing to these donors to fund their campaigns and how candidates attempt to surmount these obstacles. While much attention has been given to the role of money in shaping policy outcomes, less attention has been given to how the process of raising money itself impacts candidates from the working-class. A striking aspect of US politics is the skewed class composition of its senior politicians. Not a single member of the US Senate lacks a four-year college degree, while two-thirds of Americans over the age of 25 are without degrees. This chapter argues that these facts are not unrelated, but shows that low-resource candidates do try to compensate through other bespoke, persuasive appeals to donors, especially ones which emphasize, rather than conceal, their outsider status and which appeal to non-traditional donors.
This article studies political advertising, starting with non-directly informative advertising and directly informative advertising. It then tries to determine how a microfounded model of campaign finance can be used to reinterpret the available empirical evidence. The expenditure function is also discussed in this article.
Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis
This article analyses the relevance of the concepts of Homo economicus, zoon politikon, and social preferences in political analysis. It explains that the acceptance of the rational choice model coincides with an increasing recognition in economics of the limitations of the behavioural assumptions sometimes summarized by the term Homo economicus. Though Homo economicus is not entailed by any axioms of the model, three assumptions embracing this behavioural model are commonly treated as integral to the approach. This article highlights the confirmation of the existence of process-regarding and other-regarding preferences introduced by the idea of zoon politikon. It also presents empirical evidence supporting strong reciprocity as a schema for explaining important forms of political behaviour.
This chapter provides a selective survey of the literature on the association between social trust and economic growth. The chapter is divided into two main sections. The first section outlines the main theoretical arguments for how social trust could affect the long-run growth rate and economic performance of an economy. These theoretical mechanisms can work both directly or indirectly by affecting institutions, factor accumulation, and the elasticity of substitution. An overview of a set of relevant theoretical mechanisms also reveals that some only affect growth under specific conditions. The second section is devoted to reviewing the evidence of an empirical association. While the literature clearly supports a causal effect of trust on growth, the empirical section as well as the conclusions suggest a number of ways in which the field may move forward.
Donald G. Saari
This article lists down some results that can serve as useful tools to analyze actual elections. It first looks at representing profiles, which enumerate the number of voters who have each ranking of the candidates. Procedure line and hulls are used to provide a display of the different outcomes of computing tallies. The article moves on to the ‘axiomatic representations’ of voting rules, and then looks at how the ‘will of the voters’ is determined. Finally, the theorems of Arrow's, Sen's, and Gibbard-Satterthwaite are discussed.
Margaret E. Peters
In the canonical models of trade and factor movement, trade and migration are theorized to be substitutes, with similar effects on the wages people earn and the prices they pay for goods. This chapter explores whether this model explains the politics of trade and migration by examining three areas of scholarship: public opinion, policy, and flows. The public opinion literature has consistently found that opinion does not follow canonical models and instead has proposed two other explanations: the fiscal and cultural effects of immigrants. In contrast, trade and immigration policy historically have been substitutes, but due to their effects on the preferences of firms for immigrant labor and not only to their effects on the prices of goods and labor. Trade and migrant flows appear to be complements, as migrants help overcome the transaction costs inherent in international trade. Finally, the chapter discusses areas for future research.
Ho Fai Chan, Mohammad Wangsit Supriyadi, and Benno Torgler
This empirical chapter examines the relation between trust and tax morale at both country and individual levels using a combined World Values Survey and European Values Study dataset covering 400,000 observations across 108 countries. The results overall indicate that although vertical trust matters, horizontal trust in the form of generalized trust is not linked to tax morale. We do, however, identify intercountry differences that warrant further exploration. We also demonstrate that generalized trust uncertainty, in contrast to vertical trust uncertainty, is negatively correlated with tax morale. Lastly, we provide some evidence that generalized trust varies under different vertical and governance conditions, but we are unable to identify any indirect path from generalized trust to tax morale using governance quality as a mediator.