Philippe C. Schmitter
The advent of neo-corporatism has been a rare occurrence among advanced capitalist liberal democracies—and virtually unheard of elsewhere. Of the twenty or so original members of that club of rich countries, the OECD, only about one-third have managed to practice it for any length of time, despite the demonstrable benefits that this mode of interest intermediation has had for many aspects of macroeconomic performance from the end of the Second World War until the end of the 1970s. The most pervasive reason for this has been the opposition of organized business interests. Only under exceptional conditions of a “balance of class forces” between capital and labor has it emerged and persisted at the national level.
Graham Wilson and Wyn Grant
Although it is conventional in political science to distinguish between political parties and interest groups, in practice the distinction is less clear. The conventional definitions suggest that political parties seek to capture power; interest groups aspire to influence public policy. Even the names of political parties make it obvious, however, that in practice this distinction is not absolute. The linkage in the UK between Labour parties and unions is usually clear. In the United States, the Minnesota branch of the Democratic Party is still called the Democratic Farm Labor Party. Farmers' parties used to be fairly common although as in the Swedish case they have generally adopted labels that are more encompassing such as, to continue the Swedish example, the Center Party. Parties do not call themselves “The Business Party” but are often described as such. What does this mean? On what basis is it reasonable to identify a party as the business party? There are a number of different indicators that can be used.
Timothy Werner and Graham Wilson
Several broad generalizations about the nature of business representation in Washington would command general agreement. First, business representation is organizationally fragmented and competitive. Second, there is no hierarchical relationship between business organizations. Third, peak and trade organizations are not the only source of business representation in Washington. Large corporations increasingly have their own “in-house” lobbyists in a governmental affairs unit; although, this trend varies by industry and firm size, there was a marked increase between 1991 and 2001 across industries in the emphasis firms placed upon hiring in-house lobbyists. Fourth, business groups are often part of short-lived coalitions that can link businesses with other types of organizations or pit one group of businesses against another.
Jeremy Moon, Nahee Kang, and Jean‐Pascal Gond
This article is about corporate social responsibility (CSR) and aims to distinguish different types of CSR–government relationship and to understand these in the context of broader state roles and government–business relations. It investigates these relationships comparatively, historically, and in terms of new institutionalism. It does so comparatively by investigating CSR and government in four types of political system on the assumption that CSR reflects features of respective national business systems, or varieties of capitalism, in which government roles are critical. Thus it considers CSR in the USA, in Europe, in the transitional economies of East Asia, Eastern Europe, and South Africa, and globally. The article's special focus on the USA is justified because, although business responsibilities have long existed throughout the world, in America the concept of CSR emerged as a basis for reflection on its relation to the wider purpose of the firm in the context of institutions of governance.
To avoid ethnocentric analysis, HE’s role in societal progress may be placed in a context that is abstract enough to be taken as universally applicable, even though the interpretation of its principles is likely to differ between societies and cultures. The literature on development is reviewed to extract core principles that may be conjectured as universal on historical evidence to date. These are specified as capabilities achieved by a society that allow it to adapt to surrounding change, and still remain cohesive. HE can play a significant part in building these capabilities, in its work to transform both individuals and societies. Key catalysts would be scholarship, reasoned analysis, and moral frameworks to support social fusion and incentives to adapt.
The role of government in fostering HE’s contribution to societal cooperativeness is, in present conditions of high demand, contested both politically and ideologically. Although devolution of decision taking to universities is widely apparent, four types of strong influence remain in government use: mandates, funding incentives, investment in capacity-building, and overall system adjustment. These have fostered changes in the HE policy agenda from the outcomes espoused in the foundational Robbins Report namely: skilling (not prioritized), general powers of the mind, the advancement of learning, and a shared culture of citizenship. Over-skilling now grows, and leaves difficult policy questions such as: occupational filtering down, student debt and loan servicing, bureaucratic drift with related transaction costs, and decline in education standards. Considering what a university is good for, as opposed to good at, is a challenge for many policy makers.
This chapter investigates the relationship between industry and academia from the perspective of industry. In addition to the theoretical review, it is based on feedback from industry leaders on how they see the role of their organizations in wider society. This chapter utilizes case studies to examine the relationship between specific companies, their academic partners, and the wider society. It focuses on the UK experience reflecting the location of its author. It specifically looks at the links between Coventry University, a British public institution located in the West Midlands, and its selected partners: the Unipart Group, Horiba MIRA, Interserve, and KPIT in India. It also refers to a bespoke Global Leaders Programme which is an exclusive, extra-curricular offering, designed to enhance students’ leadership and soft skills and prepare them for future employment after graduation. Wherever possible, the author aimed to obtain feedback from the industry representatives to assess their views on the impact of their companies on the wider society. In the same spirit, relevant colleagues from Coventry University were asked for their feedback to ensure that both perspectives were fairly captured. The examples given, and indeed, the philosophy behind the projects could be transferred to other countries and applied to other industries.
Educating for the Cooperative Society: The Role of Universities, Research, and the Academic Professions in Fostering Good Citizenship
Mehmet Murat Erguvan, Nikoloz Parjanadze, and Kevin Hirschi
The concept of citizenship needs to be redefined in the twenty-first century to emphasize the notion of cooperation amongst individuals, as the institutional action that often results can have a crucial importance in politics, the economy, and culture, at the local, regional, global, and individual levels. This requires the shaping of new societal consciousness. Education, especially higher education, has to assume major responsibility in this process, as it has done historically. This may well entail a revised concept of citizenship—not only through curricular changes but also through institutional practices. Responsible citizens should act in coordination with each other following the new requirements of a modern knowledge-based society reacting to global challenges. This is in line with another mission of the university—that of public good—providing individuals with access to knowledge so that citizens develop professionally, acquire new skills, and become competitive in local and global labour markets. In a century of transformational global change, it is now more than ever the mission of higher education institutions to cultivate citizens capable of tackling local and global challenges in an innovative but also cooperative manner.
In making the claim for a unique European business–government relationship this article sets out in the first part of the issue, which is about why firms located to Brussels and how they and EU institutions learned to play a specific lobbying game. In so doing the article describes how the creation of the single market and the concurrent increases in regulatory competencies of the Commission and the increasing fiscal and monetary convergence of member states reduced the ties to home capital lobbying and incentives for individual lobbying of the EU. Having identified what motivated lobbying of the EU and the creation of government affairs offices in Brussels, the first section attempts to explain how best practice and lobbying norms emerged over time—especially as interest group overloading created a more competitive political environment and pressure on EU institutions to manage interest group representation via the creation of an elite pluralist process of fora and consultations. The second part assesses how large firms have organized their political affairs functions and developed increasingly sophisticated government and EU affairs offices in Brussels.
Miriam E. David, Penny Jane Burke, and Marie-Pierre Moreau
This chapter considers the implications of global changes for equality and social and gender justice in HE. Taking a feminist perspective it renders visible the limited impact that neo-liberal transformations have had on women’s equal participation in university education. Starting from a consideration of the international statistical evidence on the massive expansion of HE, the authors consider how white middle-class male privilege remains entrenched in complex ways in new forms of HE. This is shown most clearly through the pursuit of an uncritical notion of excellence and the approaches to pedagogical spaces. The chapter considers how student parents are treated ‘carelessly’ or without care, and how the majority of academic staff have become precarious workers, whilst privilege remains for white middle-class men in power.
Gordon Redding, Stephen Crump, and Antony Drew
Such is the speed of change and the large number of forces changing, that response by university leaders is, not surprisingly, without a robust and widely accepted basis. The role of universities has traditionally been seen as fostering for a society a combination of human capabilities that may be judged in terms of their merit or practical utility, or their worth as adding to a society’s overall quality as a form of civilization. The former of these is now in the ascendant, driven by rising demand and so societal cost, and by the real needs of the economy for human skills. It is argued here that universities might take the initiative in rebalancing this bias, and in doing so to engage with the wider policies about societal needs that are less well articulated than are the more immediate demands.
Debora L. Spar
Formally, the interaction between domestic policy and international business runs in two directions. States erect policies that affect firms' ability to trade and invest across borders; and the actions of trading and investing firms affect the political climate of the states in which they do business. The relationship, of course, is interactive and changes over time: states influence firms, and firms influence states, and both operate simultaneously in a number of domestic and international arenas. This article concentrates on just one piece of this complex arrangement. Arguing that international business is essentially, incontrovertibly political, it describes the range of state policies that can shape and constrain the behaviour of firms. Specifically, it examines five different kinds of domestic policy: trade policy, foreign direct investment, capital controls, regulation, and competition policy.
Penny Jane Burke, Miriam E. David, and Marie-Pierre Moreau
This chapter examines the intersecting inequalities and differences in HE that persist despite decades of HE policy focused on equity and widening participation. Attention is given to the ways that patriarchy, neo-liberalism, corporatization, and managerialism work together to generate new forms of inequality and power relations, which include inequalities in access and participation, women in leadership positions, sexual assault or harassment on campus, care-less university cultures, and complex temporal inequalities. The chapter examines the emergence of widening participation and equity policies in many countries of both the global North and the global South whilst the forces of globalization, neo-liberalism, and marketization have repositioned students as consumers of the market of higher education. It shows how these forces have produced an individualizing focus on student and staff experience, concealing the contextual, temporal, and structural inequalities that profoundly undermine policy concerns to widen access and participation. Individualism and marketization impact student and staff experiences in relation to the different social location and the gendering of education, work, and family, which privileges the productive (with a focus on paid labour and employability) over the reproductive (with a focus on unpaid labour and caring) dimensions of social life. The chapter shows the power of feminist analyses of questions of equity and widening participation to bring to light the insidious ways that inequalities are reproduced through the neo-liberal, patriarchal university.
Public accountability is the hallmark of modern democratic governance. Democracy remains a paper procedure if those in power cannot be held accountable in public for their acts and omissions, for their decisions, their policies, and their expenditures. Public accountability, as an institution, therefore, is the complement of public management. As a concept, however, “public accountability” is rather elusive. It is one of those evocative political words that can be used to patch up a rambling argument, to evoke an image of trustworthiness, fidelity, and justice, or to hold critics at bay. Historically, the concept of accountability is closely related to accounting. In fact, it literally comes from bookkeeping. Nowadays, accountability has moved far beyond its bookkeeping origins and has become a symbol for good governance, both in the public and in the private sector.
Contemporary public management includes initiatives that pursue reforms. Reforms centered on producing more and better public services include those that aim to tighten and streamline the management of public bureaucracies, those that increase competition in order to offer citizens more choices, and those that center on increasing citizen participation in political and administrative processes. Other reforms attempt to empower workers in the hope of making them more creative and productive. Superficially, it may seem paradoxical that each vision of how to improve public management claims that it preserves and enhances democracy and improves governmental effectiveness. This article discusses three very different answers to the question of how public management can be both effective and democratic. Next, the research literature on several mechanisms for making public management more democratic is reviewed. And finally, a separate discussion briefly treats the question of how to make the internal workings of public organizations more democratic.
Simon Bishop and Justin Waring
This chapter provides an introduction to Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) in health care. It provides contextual background to the worldwide growth of PPPs and discusses the various meanings attached to the term as well as key controversies surrounding their adoption into the public service landscape. It then introduces key developments in PPPs within the field of health care, outlining different types of PPP that have been established across the globe in light of distinct national contexts for the provision of health care and health challenges. Drawing on the authors’ own research into UK Independent Sector Treatment Centres as well as wider literature, the chapter then outlines key areas of deliberation for management and organization within PPPs. This covers issues of governance and accountability, managing innovation, managing culture and values, and managing employment.
Reactions, Reflections, and Renewal: The Significance of Higher Education for Intellectual, Societal, and Personal Advancement
This chapter draws together the arguments, ideas, concepts, recommendations, case studies, and empirical data provided in the preceding chapters built on and around the conceptual framework set up in the first two chapters. The chapter does not attempt to replicate or repeat the many and varied points of view expressed in the detailed and informative work of the author contributions but rather to be summative, reflective, and forward-looking. This handbook has observed that modern times are hard times, changing times, where enactments in higher education have never been more crucial, nor more closely watched. The handbook also argues for critical thinking, for diversity, for social and economic progress as cornerstones of innovation and renewal, thus survival, of the vibrant but troubled ecosystem universities have become. In looking for solutions, reflecting back to when the common and public good was also a cornerstone of why universities existed, helps re-justify their elevated place in all social systems.
The relationship between the American regulatory state and the business enterprise is strikingly distinctive, viewed comparatively. The simplest, but perhaps the most important, indicator of distinction is that this is a relationship with deep historical roots. The pre-industrial American economy was one where the state was closely involved directly in the conduct of economic life, for instance in the chartering of corporations. But the relationship with business took a special turn in the closing decades of the nineteenth century. That special turn was a reaction to a great economic revolution which spanned the generation following the end of the Civil War.
Socializing Human Capital for Twenty-First Century Educational Goals: Suggestive Empirical Findings from Multinational Research
Michael H. Bond and Yiming Jing
Crucial to global HE are the differences in the socialization processes that prepare students prior to their entry to universities. This preparation is analysed to reveal variations that are likely to affect the building in a society of the human capital capabilities: cognitive, empathetic, and interpersonal. The nature and availability of these resources is seen as key to a society’s ability to generate innovativeness and cooperativeness. Data are analysed from representative populations in seventy-nine nations positioned in a two-dimensional matrix of Practicality vs. Civility and Other-directedness vs. Self-directedness. This mapping permits comparison between societies on the initial mental structures of meaning and relevance brought by students into a nation’s classrooms. Implications are drawn for current forecasts of skills appropriate to living in twenty-first century conditions.
John A. Hall
One of the most clearly established generalizations in comparative social science is that economic development rests on the back of services provided by the state. The main task of this article is to reverse the picture, by considering the conditions under which states do and do not provide the institutional basis upon which economic activity can be built. A successful state is one that provides order, belonging, and affluence to the society that controls it. The sociological factors involved in the creation of states of this sort can be specified immediately, albeit later discussion of the absence of these factors elsewhere highlights their character. Almost everything follows from one simple consideration, namely that these states were created in a Darwinian world, which mandated fiscal extraction. In consequence, bureaucracies were created to penetrate and organize social life.