A. Dirk Moses
A long tradition of scholarship has posited colonialism and ‘racial imperialism’ as an enabler of the genocide against European Jewry, though often in imprecise ways. In response, critics of this view have insisted that antisemitism and World War I were the salient enablers, and Germany's colonial experience was too ephemeral to have had serious causal importance. This article changes the terms of debate by presenting the murderous National Socialist program as a colonial and imperial project executed in Europe to compensate for the loss of Germany's empire abroad and in central Europe in 1919. It argues that the style of occupation and warfare Germany conducted in realizing this project was colonial in nature and inspiration, and the Holocaust of European Jewry can be understood in terms of colonial logics as well. At least in part, the Holocaust was, for the Nazis, the attempt of an indigenous people — the Germans — to cast off the perceived exploitative rule of a foreign people: Jews.
Imperialism and colonialism have been key determinants for the geography of Anglicanism. This is evident in developments within the British Isles, in North America and North American expansion, in India, and in nineteenth- and twentieth-century British expansion worldwide. In much of this, the mission agencies, in particular SPCK, SPG, CMS, and UMCA, have played an important role. Characteristic impacts included settlement, slavery and indentured labour, displacement and segregation. The civility/barbarity dichotomy made for a persisting fault-line, reinforced by racism. Anglican developments, including the Lambeth Conferences, shaped and were shaped by globalization.
Joseph A. Marchal
This chapter asks the question: What is the relationship between Pauline studies and postcolonial studies? At first glance, it might appear that there is not much of a relationship at all between the two. But expanding the notion of postcolonial approaches shows there has in fact been plenty of work—though of a rather particular kind—on Paul and empire. Thus, depending upon how one classifies and maps postcolonial studies, Pauline interpreters could be cast as relative latecomers, or as having been involved all along, even before the recent vogue for anti-imperial readings. But this chapter also demonstrates an additional layer of complication to this mapping, particularly if one is attempting to grapple with the complex intersections and embodiments of imperial and colonial formations, the sorts of factors that might be characterizing the current, ‘third moment’ space in postcolonial theory. Thus, while there are all sorts of precursors and resources for counter-kyriarchal analyses and uses of Pauline epistles (particularly among feminist and race-critical scholars), it would seem justifiable to argue that these do not yet characterize the landscape of postcolonial approaches to these epistles and interpretations.
Monica Duffy Toft
This chapter, which describes why religion is resurging in the political sphere and the conditions under which religion is most likely to cause troubling violence, also places the source of the problem at the intersection of local politics and three global trends: modernization, democratization, and globalization. The urbanization that accompanied modernization is largely an artifact of the increasing industrialization of production, including especially agricultural production. A greater voice for religion and religious actors is assisted by the global movement toward greater democratization. When globalization accelerated, religious actors are in a position to harness its associated technologies. In the current era, the transnational dimensions of religion, and in particular Islam, explain why religious civil wars have the character of starting out local and then becoming more global. Solving religiously inspired violence demands the combination of religious authority with a better idea.