The Anglican Communion has recently experienced a sea change in its understanding of and approach to canon law, hitherto a matter lacking worldwide attention amongst Anglicans. Whilst the worldwide Communion has no global system of canon law applicable to its member churches, each church (or Province) is autonomous, with its own system of law and government. These individual legal systems deal with such subjects as government, ministry, doctrine, liturgy and ritual, and church property. However, in recent years there have been key developments. The chapter describes, explains (particularly in the context of the juridical experiences of other international ecclesial communities which are ecumenical partners of Anglicans), and evaluates the process leading up to, and the terms of, the document the Principles of Canon Law Common to the Churches of the Anglican Communion, launched at the Lambeth Conference 2008, and the juridical aspects and issues which relate to the Anglican Communion Covenant.
This chapter identifies capitalism as a system for human relating which came to predominance in several Christian societies during the nineteenth century. Socialism emerged in the same regions—part Romantic desire to restore social relationships weakened by capitalism, part product of secular Enlightenment hopes to reorganize human society by the moral light of reason. The chapter reviews Christian responses to both phenomena. Paternalist theologies were frequently revived in new industrial circumstances. Evangelical Protestants saw the free market as a sphere of God’s providence and human agency to do good. Christian responses to socialism often agonized over anti-Christian tendencies, but many recognized cooperation as more Christian than selfish competition. By 1900, Catholic social teaching mediated between free market capitalism and secular socialism, and Protestant Christian socialisms abounded. To conclude, the chapter explores why the idea of the Kingdom of God was so frequently evoked in nineteenth-century reflections on capitalism and socialism.
Karen L. King
This chapter considers the religious justifications for and against torture. It also describes the torturous narratives at Christianity's foundations, the notion of redemptive martyrdom, and the various ways in which Christian ideology has challenged as well as supported the torturous suffering of fellows and foes. Torture functions in the absence of the facts or against the facts. Despite legal censure, torture and claims of torture are omnipresent. The violence of torture depends on sex/gender differentiation for much of its public communication. Opposition to torture on religious grounds will not be efficient without addressing the fact that enculturated ways of thinking and structures of feeling cultivated in Christian stories, images, and theological discourses are entailed in a wide variety of attitudes and behaviors, both for and against torture.
Laura R. Olson
This article observes the central currents in the literature on politics and clergy. The first section centers on charting a short historical map of scholarship on clergy and politics. It then considers the question of whether clergy are paradigmatic of other politically relevant social elites. It considers how one may categorize the politically relevant activities that the clergy engages in, and discusses the ways the existing literature helps in understanding whether and why clergy become politically active.
Imperialism and colonialism have been key determinants for the geography of Anglicanism. This is evident in developments within the British Isles, in North America and North American expansion, in India, and in nineteenth- and twentieth-century British expansion worldwide. In much of this, the mission agencies, in particular SPCK, SPG, CMS, and UMCA, have played an important role. Characteristic impacts included settlement, slavery and indentured labour, displacement and segregation. The civility/barbarity dichotomy made for a persisting fault-line, reinforced by racism. Anglican developments, including the Lambeth Conferences, shaped and were shaped by globalization.
Leonard Fernando SJ
Jesuits have been a continuing presence in India since the sixteenth century. With the help of local people, they not only spread the Christian faith but also did a lot for the growth of the Indian nation, especially through education, scientific advancements, and betterment of the lives of underprivileged people. They attempted enculturation of the Christian faith in multicultural India; learnt of, discussed, and respected other religions; and mastered and contributed to the growth of Indian languages. Now about 4,000 Jesuits—mostly Indians—are working in eighteen Provinces/Regions in India. There are three major phases in the history of Jesuits in India—the beginning, suppression, and restoration. All along, true to the Ignatian charism, members of the Society of Jesus have kept their daring missionary zeal of moving to the frontiers—challenging, unknown, and unexplored.
This chapter offers an older notion of just war, particularly as it developed in relation to the changing place of Christianity in Europe and North America. The just war idea presents a way of thinking in which war itself is a kind of restraint. The norms of positive international law are determined with the hope that an appropriate set of institutions might transcend and thus govern the behavior of sovereign states, imposing the rule of law in cases where sovereign states (and their rulers) violate those norms intended “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.” The universality of norms is a project to be obtained by means of negotiation among sovereign states. The outline of just war presented reveals that the idea is a moving target, in which changes reflect the dynamic nature of social and political institutions.
This chapter discusses the relations between Christianity and nation in three different state constructions: the unification of smaller states into a nation state, older states already with a central government, and nation states that were established by peoples breaking away from empires. It emphasizes new forms of sources for nationalism such as: the Lives of Jesus studies that portrayed Jesus as a model for democratic nationalism or for national character; the use of conservative nationalism to establish the German Empire in 1871; the Anglican Church’s attempts in England to give the Church an inclusive, national character; Roman Catholic ultramontanism, which emphasized the centralized rule of the Church from Rome; the Balkan political independence movement which led to the establishment of independent Orthodox churches; and finally, the ‘mainline’ Protestant churches which influenced the formation of an American national identity.
Davina C. Lopez and Todd Penner
‘Paul and Politics’ is a highly contested site of examination in contemporary Pauline Studies. Debates about whether, how, and to what ends Pauline literature can be read politically reach back to the beginnings of historical-critical engagement with New Testament texts in Germany, and have gained traction in the last several decades, particularly, in the United States at least, in the aftermath of the political and military engagements of the past decade and more. This essay maps several broad perspectives and approaches that New Testament scholars adopt in deliberating ‘Paul and Politics’, highlighting methodological questions and trends in the field, as well as some of the main points of contention.
Joseph A. Marchal
This chapter asks the question: What is the relationship between Pauline studies and postcolonial studies? At first glance, it might appear that there is not much of a relationship at all between the two. But expanding the notion of postcolonial approaches shows there has in fact been plenty of work—though of a rather particular kind—on Paul and empire. Thus, depending upon how one classifies and maps postcolonial studies, Pauline interpreters could be cast as relative latecomers, or as having been involved all along, even before the recent vogue for anti-imperial readings. But this chapter also demonstrates an additional layer of complication to this mapping, particularly if one is attempting to grapple with the complex intersections and embodiments of imperial and colonial formations, the sorts of factors that might be characterizing the current, ‘third moment’ space in postcolonial theory. Thus, while there are all sorts of precursors and resources for counter-kyriarchal analyses and uses of Pauline epistles (particularly among feminist and race-critical scholars), it would seem justifiable to argue that these do not yet characterize the landscape of postcolonial approaches to these epistles and interpretations.
Beginning with the French Revolution and the Enlightenment and their effects on the political life and systems of Europe, this chapter discusses the broader impact of the collapse of the political systems in Germany, the modernization of the regimes, as well as the attempts at restoration after the defeat of Napoleon. The author examines conservative and neo-confessional movements, as well as the increasing secularization of societies in Western Europe. Following the increasing success of nationalism in the Austrian, Russian, and Turkish Empires and in the Italian peninsula, the chapter traces its impact on the development of ultramontanism. Responses by Christian thinkers to political transformations are grouped under the three headings of accommodation, reaction, and escape. The chapter concludes by suggesting that the growing autonomy of both the political and ecclesial systems provided the background for the increasing irrelevance of the churches in the twentieth century.
This article examines the roles of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia, and the Islamic religious authority of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1991–1995 war inWestern Balkans. Religion in this case has been instrumental as a factor for galvanizing conflict and rationalizing its outcomes. The article also notes religious activities aimed at preventing violence and healing postconflict societies. The public influence of these religions began during the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia. Through the war and afterward, religions continued rebuilding resources and increasing influence. Traditional religion was blended with the new national ideologies carried out by ethnic nationalist parties allied with the ethnic majority churches established as state religions. Two decades after the Balkan war, the growing influence of these religions in public sphere coincides with the post-Yugoslav new ethnic nations’ failures in state building and democratic transition.
This chapter, which concentrates on the North American Christian case in investigating the role of violence in the religious controversy about abortion, assesses the religiously legitimated use of violence in the extreme wing of the American pro-life movement. The legitimation of the use of violence to stop abortion finds its most public expression in an organization known as The Army of God. Mike Bray, the architect of the argument that violence can be legitimately utilized to stop abortion, has argued that there is a difference between killing a retired abortion doctor and one who continues to practice. Bray and Randall Terry are critical of contemporary Christianity, which sees God a “jolly old perennial gift giver.” In general, Christians, in the larger “pro-life” movement, believe abortion to be murder.
Much nineteenth-century political theory was preoccupied with relations between state and Church. This chapter examines some of the leading European theories of Church and state many of which influenced and reflected broader public debates and institutional developments. In response to the French Revolution and to a series of liberal and democratic reforms various attempts were made to renew the Church by emphasizing its role as the spiritual embodiment of the nation. While in some contexts such as France this would provoke a secular reaction and ultimately a separation of Church and state, elsewhere increasing religious pluralization would generate pluralist state forms and corresponding theories of the plural state. The central themes covered include: ultramontanism to liberal Catholicism in France; the Hegelian theory of the state; liberal Anglicanism and the Broad Church movement; and theories of the plural state from the 1890s to the First World War.