Alcide de Gasperi and Palmiro Togliatti were the two pivotal figures of the early postwar period. Despite their different political outlook, the two collaborated during the last phase of the war and in the period just after its end. The tenor of postwar politics, with the Communist Party never straying from the ground of democratic confrontation, was due both to Togliatti’s moderation and to De Gasperi’s determination to maintain the “constitutional pact.” Co-operation enabled the successful setting up of democratic institutions and the drafting of the constitution. However, the relationship between the two politicians was always fraught with mistrust and deteriorated as the international situation evolved toward confrontation and as economic policy aims diverged. By the 1948 elections the split was evident, and from then on their political outlook became more and more incompatible.
Bettino Craxi and Giulio Andreotti played a leading role in Italy’s political life in the 1980s. Andreotti rose to prominence as Defense Minister in the 1960s, developing close links with Washington. In 1976 he became prime minister, confirming his political acumen and his commitment to Atlanticism, while also pursuing European integration. Craxi became leader of the Socialists in 1976 and was able to establish his leadership and to renew the image of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), presenting himself as a radical reformer. Craxi led several cabinets in the 1980s, with Andreotti as foreign minister. The two successfully balanced loyalty to the US with an often independent stance on regional interests. Domestically, Craxi defeated inflation but, despite significant growth, was unable to carry out broader economic or constitutional reform. In 1989 Andreotti formed a new government, but soon after the eruption of the Tangentopoli scandal engulfed both him and Craxi, ending their careers.
Comparative regional integration has emerged over the last decade as an exciting area of research. Interest was sparked, in part, by a new wave of integration in Asia, Africa, and the Americas that grew in strength in the 1990s. Like earlier waves, this one generated integration schemes that show puzzling differences and variations. Some integration schemes fail to attain most or any of their objectives, whilst others are highly successful. Some integration schemes confer significant authority on supranational agencies, encourage the use of qualified or simple majority in joint decision making, and make provisions for strong dispute settlement procedures, powerful enforcement tools, as well as extensive common monitoring. Other schemes, however, are strictly intergovernmental in character and shy away from any institutional elements that weaken or undermine national sovereignty. These striking differences in outcomes and in regional governance have prompted scholars to search for comprehensive analytical frameworks of comparative regional integration. This article, which reviews three such frameworks – neo-functionalism, externality theory, and contracting theory – considers their strengths and weaknesses, and raises key issues for future research.
This article discusses European integration and its various conceptions of the political economy in terms of three generations of academic work. The normalization of European integration studies is discussed in the second section of the article, this is followed by models of non-ergodic processes. The article ends by trying to determine the future of this field.
This article describes the European Union (EU) and its impact on welfare states in Europe. It explores the ways in which European social policy has evolved: regulation, redistribution and the initiation of public debates on Europe's social dimension, and mutual surveillance among national policymakers. It also reviews the controversy over the ‘social dimension of European integration’ when the founding fathers of European integration agreed that economic issues should be at the centre of the joint project. Criteria for evaluating the state of ‘social Europe’ are then presented. Furthermore, the article describes how the EU impacts on different types of welfare states and creates conditions that promote more ‘bounded varieties of welfare’ in the EU, that is, a more restricted variety within limits that are directly or indirectly imposed or reinforced by European integration.
Tanja A. Börzel
This article examines the characteristics of governance in the European Union (EU). It argues that the EU heavily relies on hierarchy in the making of its policies and that the network governance which systematically involves private actors in the policy process is hard to find in the EU. The article concludes that the EU is less characterized by network governance and private-interest government than by inter- and transgovernmental negotiations, on the one hand, and political competition between member states and subnational authorities, on the other.
This chapter analyzes how French public policy approaches have studied the influence of European integration on France’s domestic public policies. Starting from a review of the general literature on Europeanization, the chapter presents three periods in the study of Europeanization that characterize French and francophone research from the 1990s to the beginning of the 2000s: the discovery of European integration as factor of domestic change; the period where research imported comparative Europeanization questions from abroad; and, finally, the emancipation of French Europeanization research. The chapter stresses that while Europeanization research emerged concurrently in the French and international realms, part of the French approach, embedded in a cognitive framework, best subsumed under the heading of “réferentiel,” has gradually started to influence debates at the international level.
Robert Elgie, Emiliano Grossman, and Amy G. Mazur
The larger comparative theory-building and stocktaking goals and questions, and the plan of the book, are presented in this chapter. The major dynamics and developments of French political life are discussed in terms of explaining and understanding the evolution of French politics. The next section provides an overview of French political science to situate the analysis of the study of French politics both inside and outside France in the chapters that follow. The outside-in/inside-out approach of the book is next highlighted in terms of how the vast majority of the chapters follow a common three-part comparative framework: the development of the study of French politics first outside and then inside France and then the emerging research agenda. The chapter then outlines the book’s structure in three sections: conceptual foundations, large-scale processes, and comparative politics dimensions—institutions; parties, elections, and voters; civil society; and policy and policymaking, both domestic and international.
Amy G. Mazur and Anne Revillard
This chapter maps out the international field of feminist comparative policy (FCP) and emerging gender policy studies in France in relation to each other. While French researchers have been involved with FCP projects and non-French scholars have contributed significantly to general understanding, knowledge, and theory on France, gender policy studies in France have maintained a distinctive twist, including more interdisciplinary connections, less formalization, less of an explicit feminist approach, and more use of in-depth qualitative methods. The distinct nature of French gender policy studies has underpinned its dynamism inside and outside France and has allowed French research to make significant contributions to comparative feminist policy studies at an international level. This strong comparative connection is reflected by the degree to which the research agendas of the French and international research communities converge around implementation studies and intersectionality.
Gianni Agnelli and Enrico Mattei both influenced Italian foreign policy. As manager of ENI, the national petroleum company, Mattei promoted deals with third world countries. At times these deals troubled the Americans. In particular, Mattei concluded an oil deal with the USSR in the late 1950s, opening up the Russian market for Italian industry. Italian diplomats eventually persuaded the US to accept the deal, arguing it favored the thawing of relations between East and West. Agnelli acted as Italy’s unofficial ambassador to the US, leveraging his political and business contacts to reinforce the relationship between Italy and the US, and assuaging American fears over Mattei’s or FIAT’s own activities. In particular, Agnelli was instrumental in 1976, reassuring the US that the entrance of the Communists in government would not prejudice Italy’s foreign policy.
Vincent Della Sala
European integration has been a pillar of post-war Italy’s political and economic order. This chapter analyses Italy’s relationship with the European Union, showing how Italy has shaped Europe and how European integration has shaped Italian politics. The hurdles of European integration, such as the fulfillment of the criteria for monetary union, were seen as a catalyst for Italy’s modernization, and have extensively shaped the country and its politics. Yet Italy has also shaped European integration, playing a key role in determining choices made at the European level. Commitment to European integration transcends the political spectrum and has been a key element in Italian political discourse, being used by political forces to gain legitimacy. The onset of the economic crisis has and eroded this pro-European consensus and revealed the incompleteness of modernization efforts, sparking growing debate on European integration and whether it continues to be the road to modernization.
Michel Goyer and Miguel Glatzer
This chapter examines the impact, and political mediation, of globalization on the French political economy. There is little disagreement that globalizing forces are changing countries in a profound manner. Nowhere, however, has globalization generated such anxieties as in France, despite the economic benefits that it brings. This ambivalence highlights the importance of politics. First, rather than seeking to champion their actions, French policymakers, via their discursive framing, have presented economic liberalization as the unavoidable and distasteful consequence of globalization. Second, ambivalence toward globalization also illustrates the constraining legacy associated with the previous model of economic dirigisme. Coordination of economic activities around direct interactions between policymakers and executives of large companies served to overcome economic lags and social tensions, but stifled the development of the institutional foundations for either a coordinated or a liberal market economy—an important shortcoming for economic adjustment in the current economic environment.
These chapters revolve around questions concerning what kind of polity Sweden became part of in 1995, in what ways Sweden has been transformed due to membership in the EU, and what role a relatively small member state can play in the European political arena. The first chapter analyzes different interpretations of the governance turn in the EU and how these turns relate to Swedish policy-making. The second chapter examines how the EU has transformed the Swedish administrative state by different governance processes. The third chapter studies the Europeanization of Swedish foreign policy and changed role conceptions. The fourth chapter shows that Sweden influenced EU politics during its presidencies but that the scope and conditions of the influence lie outside the control of the presidency.
Simone Bunse and Kalypso Nicolaïdis
This article examines the EU's ‘big versus small problem’, or the conflicting views over institutional design between two opposing coalitions: the more- and less-populated member states. It argues that recent rounds of reform have made fundamental changes to the EU's traditional institutional bargain between big and small states, leading to a deepening division between them. While not new – the size cleavage had, after all, played a critical part in dragging out the post-Maastricht institutional agenda – it had never been as explicit as during the Convention which set the scene for the subsequent reform debacle. Indeed, the rift between small and big states may, in part, be blamed for the ratification crisis of the Constitutional and Lisbon Treaties. After eight years of institutional rows and final settlements, the least that can be said is that small states in Europe are left wounded.
Vincent Della Sala
This article demonstrates how the emergence of a differentiated Europe raised the spectre of a Europe of leaders and followers, centred around the possibility that a core group of states would race ahead, pulling the rest behind so as not to risk being marginalized. The first section explores how the various forms of differentiation – multi-speed, variable geometry, or à la carte Europe – have different consequences for the question of leadership, and examines the extent to which it is possible to speak of leaders and followers within the EU. Drawing from arguments about ‘heroic’ and ‘humdrum’ leadership and those dealing with policy leaders and laggards, it is shown that the EU combines different types of leaders and followers for different tasks, with the possible consequence that leadership is amorphous and fluid. The second section examines the notion of a Franco-German directorate at the core of the EU. It argues that although the bilateral relationship provides the possibility of a heroic form of leadership, this may not serve well for a great deal of the policy making which takes place in the EU. The third section looks at policy leaders and laggards to show that there may be different types of leader and follower, drawing on a range of resources in various policy areas.
Malena Rosén Sundström
This chapter analyzes how Sweden acted as Presidency of the European Union in 2001 and 2009. It explores the different roles associated with the Presidency: administrator, agenda-setter, mediator, and representative. Using role theory, the analysis focuses on the Swedish government’s own role conceptions, and the expectations of other actors with regard to how the government would perform these various roles, and how it actually enacted them. The analysis demonstrates that role conceptions, external expectations, and actual execution were quite similar both times Sweden held the Chair, despite notably different Presidency contexts. Overall, both of Sweden’s Presidency periods were considered fairly successful.
This article discusses the characteristics of the multi-level governance (MLG) in the European Union (EU). It explains that MLG originated in the 1980s and that Gary Marks was the first to use this term to capture developments in EU cohesion policy. The article suggests that MLG has made a significant contribution to understanding the nature of governance in the EU by directing attention to increasingly complex relations between actors from different sectors organized at different territorial levels, and by raising important questions about the mechanisms, strategies, and tactics through which decisions are made in contemporary politics, and about their implications for democratic accountability.
Simon Hix and Bjørn Høyland
This chapterexamines political behavior and legislative politics in the European Parliament. It begins with a review of research findings on the political behavior of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), focusing on the last decade or so. It considers the process of recruitment and election of the members of parliament and how this process affects them and their political preferences. It then looks at the formation of political parties and committees in the European Parliament—the so-called “equilibrium institutions”—and how they shape MEP behavior and policy outcomes in the European Parliament—the so-called “institutional equilibria.”
This chapter provides an overview of the ideological character and electoral strengths of populist parties in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. It argues that the circumstances of democratic transition gave rise both to radical and to centrist populist parties, and that both subtypes have remained distinct and enduring features of the party systems of these countries. However, while populists have played important roles in defining ideological choices, their electoral strengths and role in government should not be overstated. No general rise in populism has occurred over the period of democratic consolidation; instead, we can observe significant country-level variation in the nature and strength of these parties.
This chapter examines populism in contemporary Western Europe. The argument is made that populism in this region tends to primarily focus on four different issues as a result of the national context in which it arises. The chapter illustrates how various populist parties in Western Europe focus on these four issues of immigration, regionalism, corruption, and Euroskepticism. The argument is made that we can only understand populism in this region if we also understand that populism politicizes these issues. The argument is also that these issue areas, taken at their broadest meaning, constitute attacks on the core pillars of contemporary Western Europe and therefore that populist forces tell us about the fault lines of politics in the region.