Amy B. Zegart
This article describes the insights and limitations of rational choice institutionalism in political science. It then shows that organization theory offers insights into agency evolution but has limited explanatory power for public sector agencies. Moreover, a general model of agency adaptation failure that combines elements of the two theoretical perspectives is provided. The literatures in organization theory, political science, public administration, and public management that appear most relevant for studying agency adaptation failure do not offer any off-the-shelf approaches. The article looks at adaptation from the perspective of agency leaders, and then represents the substance and logic of the model of adaptation failure. It finally presents some thoughts about promising avenues of future research on agency design and evolution.
Marc C. Vielledent
The United States has long enjoyed an essentially unopposed ability to project power and sustain its security forces dispersed throughout the world. However, the uncertainty facing the global security environment, including tenuous alliances, fiscal constraints, and a decline in overseas basing, has increased tensions in emerging areas of potential conflict. These factors are driving change regarding the United States’ defense posture and access agreements abroad. While the preponderance of overseas capability outweighs the preponderance of U.S. forces, deterrence continues to underpin the overarching national security strategy. However, deterrence options impacted by the lack of resilience and investment in distributed logistics and sustainment are generating an additional range of variables and conditions for operators on the ground to consider in shared and contested domains.
Henry R. Nau
There are four standard American foreign policy traditions, and they have existed since the beginning of the republic. The traditions include isolationists/nationalists like George Washington and Andrew Jackson; realists like Alexander Hamilton and Teddy Roosevelt; conservative internationalists like Thomas Jefferson and Ronald Reagan; and liberal internationalists like Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt. Rooted in both the history and the logic of the American experience, the traditions are indispensable to ensure that America considers all of the elements of a changing world in meeting global challenges.
This chapter explains basic concepts used by the executive branch and Congress in requesting and allocating federal budget resources for national security. It provides a context for mandatory and discretionary budgeting and also defines some basic budget terms, such as “budget authority” and “outlays.” The chapter briefly explains the budgeting process, first within the executive branch (e.g., the White House and Departments of Defense and State) and then within the Congress, both the House of Representatives and the Senate. In addition, the chapter highlights some of the trade-offs that the executive branch and Congress must make in allocating federal budget resources to national security.
Michael J. Malbin and Peter W. Brusoe
This article presents a brief summary of the major proposals for campaign finance policy in New York. New York's campaign finance laws have not changed substantially since Buckley. There have been some potentially significant changes both in the state's political alignment and in the substantive positions put forward by the key leaders. New York City's multiple matching fund program had an intended effect on the proportional importance of small donors. The effect of this program clearly is in the direction its sponsors had envisioned. Constitutional constraints do not allow the use of public financing to constrain spending in politics. Public financing programs do not automatically give candidates an incentive to raise money from small donors. There is a possibility that the New York state legislature may respond to the Governor's call for a comprehensive revision of the state's campaign finance laws.
Civil-military relations are fundamental to the fabric of American politics. Throughout the country’s history, relations among military institutions, the civilian leadership, and American society have experienced periodic challenges and frictions. Since the late 1950s, sociologists, historians, and political scientists have sought to document and analyze these tensions. The issues include the perennial topic of how best to assure civilian control of the military; the nature and consequences of the gaps between American society and the military; the military’s involvement in politics; and the appropriate roles of civilian and military leaders in strategic assessment. This chapter explores these scholarly debates and discusses their practical implications for contemporary American civil-military relations.
Kathleen A. Mahoney-Norris and Derek S. Reveron
We now find an increasingly strong worldwide consensus that the phenomenon of climate change is real, fostered at least in part by human activities. This trend will have profound effects not only on local communities, societies, and regions but also on U.S. national security. Whereas the United States may have the resources to at least mitigate the effects of climate change within its own territory, most developing countries and their populations do not, and climate change will inevitably worsen already existing problems such as rising sea levels, desertification, and access to scarce water resources. This enhances the potential for conflict between societies and an unstable world order. The chapter defines and assesses the scope of environmental security concerns, focusing on important events, issues, and actors with implications for national and international security.
Nina M. Serafino and Eleni G. Ekmektsioglou
Congress may not be seen as a major player in U.S. national security, but it is congressional action that sets the foundation on which national security policy is constructed. Congressional legislation empowers the actions of federal departments and agencies, authorizes and appropriates funds, and defines the roles and missions of different offices (and who can occupy them). Yet Congress’s role in national security can vary based on the president’s ability to respond quickly to set the national security agenda; the president’s acumen, political skills, and popularity; and structural and political limitations on how the legislature can impose its preferences on the executive branch. Congress finds it harder to prevail when the president responds in a crisis using preexisting powers and authorities, but it can constrain the executive branch using constitutional prerogatives along with informal means such as influencing public opinion.
John B. Gilmour
The congressional budget process is composed of a set of formal procedures and rules, including informal practices that structure the action of the United States Congress on budgetary issues. There are two important notions in which the people use the term: first, congressional budget process relates to the entirety of the congressional process relative to the budget; and second, the congressional budget process refers to the formal process which centers on the adoption of a budget resolution that was created in 1974 through the enactment of the Congressional Budget Act and the Impoundment Control Act. This article aims to explain what the congressional budget is, how it works, and how it developed. It also aims to explore scholarship on the budget process and the significant intellectual debates on the study of congressional budgeting.
John J. Coleman and David C. W. Parker
This article starts by asking: what is the nature of political parties in a system of separated powers? It then describes the most recent empirical manifestation of that debate: does party control of government matter? It also discusses what has yet to be learned about divided government and provides some thoughts about future research directions. The policy production of the president and Congress is greater in periods of unified government. Much of the research on divided government has focused on legislative outputs. The president's use of his commander in chief powers also varies systematically depending on party control. Furthermore, it explores the avenues that may benefit research into the presidency and largely set to the side other possible research directions regarding divided government.
This chapter examines criminal justice policy in the U.S. states, discussing the important developments in knowledge in recent years, and outlining key areas for future research in this important area of public policy. The chapter is organized around two fundamental questions. The first is what political forces cause governments to use more coercive forms of crime and social control? The second is how do political forces contribute to the disproportionate level of punishment imposed on racial and ethnic minority groups? Both questions entail basic questions about policing, criminal profiling, and particular campaigns, such as the most recent drug war. In devoting attention to these questions, state and local government researchers have the opportunity to make significant and lasting contributions by moving the field to a more synthesized and theoretically shaped understanding of criminal justice policy in the U.S. states.
John A. Simon and Michael W. Miller
The Marshall Plan marked the beginning of modern foreign assistance, and from the very outset national security and foreign aid have been inextricably linked. Successful development assistance can make the world a safer, more stable place, advancing U.S. national interests in direct and subtle ways. Aid can help struggling states avoid becoming failing states, where all manner of threats—from terrorists to international criminal networks to deadly pathogens—can find a safe haven. Aid helps stave off political strife that contributes to the rise of demagogues with interests antithetical to those of the United States. At its best, foreign assistance can reinforce country efforts to join the community of democracies. A world where there are fewer wars, terrorist safe havens, and political tyrants is a more secure world for the United States.
John A. Cloud and Damian Leader
This chapter explains the history and role of diplomacy in advancing U.S. interests. The State Department is discussed as the primary actor in American diplomacy. The rise of multilateral diplomacy in the 20th century is examined along with the continued applicability of bilateral approaches. The State Department’s role in forming and implementing policy, in coordination with other government agencies, is outlined as well as its role in development assistance, consular affairs, and public diplomacy. The increased role of transnational issues, including human rights, religious freedom, arms control, and nonproliferation is outlined. The structure, funding and career paths of Foreign Service officers is examined, and the increasing use of diplomats alongside the U.S. military in combat zones in recent decades. The chapter highlights the limited resources that the United States commits to diplomacy when compared with military activities.
This chapter explores education policy as a primary function of state and local government and examines the recent creep of national government into this policy jurisdiction. The author argues that any scholar hoping to understand state and local politics and policymaking needs a basic understanding of education policy, simply because it dominates so much of state budget politics and policy. In addition, the incredible variation in education politics and policy allows fertile ground for testing a vast array of social science theories.
All societies face a constant tug of war between protecting individual rights and ensuring the needs of various common goods, especially public safety and homeland security. At any point in time, one side or the other may gain too much power and must be scaled back. The chapter examines this issue by dealing with encryption, drawing on the lessons of the Crypto Wars of the 1990s and the legal case between Apple and the FBI in the wake of the San Bernardino terrorist attack in 2016. Beyond specifics, the chapter deals with a new, liberal communitarian approach, to sorting out where the balance lies between individual rights and the common good.
Michael B. Gerrard and Claire H. Woods
This article explores the environmental policy in New York State. Science is significant as a driver of environmental policy, but public opinion is even more important. The story of the New York State's water supply is dominated by the historic quest to supply water to New York City. The State Environmental Quality Review Act (SEQRA) has been the most fertile source of environmental litigation in New York State courts. New York's solid waste expenditures have soared as it has had to pay commercial landfills and incinerators to take waste that had previously been cheaply dumped at Fresh Kills. New York began the modern era as a vigorous and innovative leader in environmental protection measures, but since the early 1990s, the paralyzing partisanship in the legislature and inconsistent leadership in the governor's office have moved the state considerably further back in the national pack on many environmental issues.
Michael Jones, Elizabeth A. Shanahan, and Lisa J. Hammer
In this chapter the authors examine state and local environmental policy. They provide a brief historical but policy-centered background, which pays special attention to the role of federalism in environmental policy. Next they summarize the state of academic and scientific research on state and local environmental policy. The next two sections give the reader an aggregate sense of what substantive environmental policy areas are being studied by reporting the aggregated peer-reviewed publications reported in three databases between 1980 and 2011. In addition, the authors focus on two areas highlighted in the literature: public participation in environmental policy making and climate change policy. Finally, the authors provide a summary of the state of existing literature and offer directions for future research.
A president is called to shape a foreign policy that both reflects America’s deepest values and serves its geopolitical interests. In doing so, a president has a range of options that can be used. However, these tools are not ends in themselves, but are undertaken to achieve certain goals. In this regard, there are five lessons that can serve as useful guideposts for those who are called to assist the president in this task. These include understanding that the tools of power are most effective when simultaneously employed; that multilateral action is usually more effective than unilateral action. In addition, while the executive branch has the lead on foreign policy, Congress and the states are also actors. When either of these groups lead they should grant the president flexibility in order to ensure that the policy continues to accomplish U.S. goals. The military tool of power while powerful frequently has serious constraint imposed upon it. It may also be more effective when used flexibly—e.g., the creation of NATO to deter the Soviet Union. Finally, policymaking is messy. Actions do not always result in the hoped-for outcome.
Laurence E. Lynn Jr.
This article investigates the emergence of governance as a contested concept within political science and public administration, describing its braided pathways to what is increasingly referred to as the ‘new governance’. Discussion then turns to the principal perspectives on the new governance from one end of a widening spectrum of definitions to the other. This survey is followed by an explanation from governance by governments to governance by quasi- and nongovernmental institutions of civil society. Offered next is a critical reflection on the tendency to proclaim and advocate ‘the new’, a tendency which undermines the once-impressive claim by the public administration profession to ownership of a deep historical, comparative, and analytical understanding of administrative institutions and their evolution. It suggests that the emergence of a genuinely new paradigm of governance would require fundamental changes in constitutional institutions that are not now in prospect.
Research on health politics and policy for the near future will be driven by immediate attention to the 2010 health reform bill and by a set of short-term issues that require immediate attention and a set of issues that have long been on the agenda. Federalism is an important component of the 2010 reforms, especially the now-rejected claim of some states that the bill violates the states’ rights to not require insurance coverage, and continued claims that the bill will impose even greater Medicaid costs on the states will receive some research attention. The need for im-proved research designs to get a better understanding of how health policies affect access to care, improved understanding of how state health politics and policy institutions operate, better under-standing of the relationship between behavior and health, and between health and race and eth-nicity are among the longer-term items that are now receiving increased attention among re-searchers.