This chapter focuses on the absence of certain marginal groups from the United Nations’ Women, Peace, and Security Agenda and suggests correctives to those exclusions. The chapter discusses how men and boys as victims of sexual and gender-based violence have been erased in this agenda, and the consequences of this erasure. It challenges the assumptions of militarized masculinity as a uniformly shared identity among conflict-engaged men. It also looks at the outcome of pregnancies resulting from wartime rape and shows how children born of rape are presented and treated in their communities. The chapter draws on research conducted in Peru and Colombia and shows the necessity of understanding both the perpetration and experience of violence in nuanced ways.
José María Maravall
This article considers accountability and the survival of governments. A government is considered to be accountable when its citizens can hold it responsible for its actions and punish or reward it with their vote during the elections. The article begins with a look at the elections and the retrospective control of politicians. Some empirical evidence that has been gathered from retrospective models of elections is presented, and the limits of accountability are identified. Finally, non-electoral threats are discussed.
This chapter describes the development of reparations in international humanitarian and international criminal law. It then highlights the tension between judicial reparations and the harms that victims experience in conflict, particularly gendered harms such as sexual violence and discrimination against women. It demonstrates the importance of incorporating gender analyses into reparations programs and practice to fully redress victims’ needs and rights. It argues that reparations programs should acknowledge the challenges that victims of sexual and gender-based violence face, which may impact their participation in reparation proceedings. It also argues that reparations programs should focus on rectifying structural injustice to ensure gender atrocities are not repeated.
This article discusses agenda setting, and is organized into four main sections. The first section looks at the possibility that some individual or institution may hold exclusive power over the agenda. This is a possibility that is usually overlooked by analysts situated outside the rational choice framework. The second section puts emphasis on the links between the study of agenda setting and democratic theory. This is followed by a discussion of another issue that is not sufficiently researched by students of agenda setting, namely: the selection of priorities within the decision agenda. The last section in the article highlights the growing impact of international factors on the formation of national agendas.
This article discusses three options that the article dubs as arguing, bargaining, and getting agreement. It emphasizes what seem to be usefully prescriptive norms of behaviour for the ‘combatants’ in the public policy arena. The article studies discourse between dialogue and discussion; the former refers to the exploration of options, while the latter refers to making decisions. Hard bargaining, negotiating, and organizational learning are the other concepts discussed in the article.
Omar G. Encarnación
This article discusses issues concerning the promotion of democracy and the assisting of civil society. It explains the process of building the infrastructure of civil society assistance and highlights criticisms against democracy-promotion programs. Many of the criticisms highlighted in this article provide something of a roadmap for ensuring that the incorporation of civil society into democracy-promotion programs generates some positive results. This article suggests that it is important to take into account the prime importance of social and economic development in the promotion of democracy and that democracy promoters should think beyond non-governmental organizations (NGOs) when conceiving of civil society.
Michael Howlett and Sima Joshi‐Koop
This article examines government engagement in environmental issues in Canada since the 1950s. It focuses on the changes that have happened during this period at the federal level. In particular, the article discusses the diminishing capacity and willingness of the Canadian government to direct policy outcomes through traditional policy instruments such as regulation and laws, and the increased dependence on complex procedural instruments that only indirectly determine policy outcomes by altering the relations between the participants in the policy process. The first section discusses the domestic context for environmental issues and the key drivers and features of environmental politics and policy in Canada. The second section discusses how environmental issues entered the governmental agendas and how they are addressed by the government. The last section outlines the history of environmental policies in the twentieth century.
Clive L. Spash
This article explains the complexities involved in pollution control and aspects of vested interests in Carbon emissions trading schemes (ETS). As this article explains, there are two broad sets of concerns over applying economic pollution control theory to mitigating GHGs. First, a simple pollutant model assuming known impacts between a limited number of known source point polluters proves inadequate for capturing the essential characteristics of the problem. Second, a lack of realism in terms of market structure and a total absence of anything in the economic model relating to power in society, mean analysts implicitly adopt the existing political economy without awareness as to the consequences for public policy. Using the examples of GHG accounting problems and permit allocation, this article criticizes the idea that ETS can be redesigned to make it better and eventually all problems with the approach can be solved.
Three major themes or waves of regional reform are distinguished—consolidation, decentralization, and collaboration combined with regionalization. Efficiency has been the main driver, while concern for democracy has been largely a counterweight to some of the actions taken in the name of efficiency. The path of reform can be explained by motives and struggles at the central rather than the local level. Factions (policy networks) within the central government have different opinions on what the local, regional, and central government and agencies should do. In particular, the role of agencies as an alternative to local welfare production has been overlooked in previous analyses.
Oran R. Young
This article looks at the public choices that feature in the creation of governance systems or institutional arrangements. It emphasizes the added value that can be derived from supplementing the normal focus on the national level with comparative studies of the formation, implementation, and adaptation of these regimes that happens at the local and international levels. One section in this article explores the insights about the policy process that arise from this approach to public choice. Another section focuses on the questions that can be raised about the practical implications of these insights.
This article discusses the relation between civil society and civic knowledge. It explains that civil society and knowledge are connected in three major ways in that civil society both requires and produces knowledge, and protects and strengthens the conditions under which knowledge as a public good is produced. It considers the conception of civic knowledge as knowledge that some citizens need, as knowledge that civil society generates and as knowledge that people create, use, and preserve when they act as members of a civil society.
This article examines the importance of the public sphere theory to civil society. It explains that theories of the public sphere developed alongside both the modern state with its powerful administrative apparatus and the modern capitalist economy with its equally powerful capacity to expand wealth and also inequalities and intensify exploitation of nature and people. It argues that the value of a public sphere rooted in civil society rests on the claims that there are matters of concern important to all citizens and to the organization of their lives together and that states and other powerful organizations might be organized to serve the collective interests of ordinary people rather than state power as such.
This article reviews the development of civil society in China since the start of economic reforms in the late 1970s. It examines the key constraints and opportunities shaping the past and future development of civil society and argues that market reforms, subsequent socioeconomic changes, and technological and political factors have shaped the trajectory of civil society since 1978. It analyzes variables that underpin the expansion of civil society spaces and those that have contributed to their contraction or stagnation. It also considers the future prospects for civil society development in China.
This article explores the specific features of civil society in India and their implications for the concept of civil society in general. It traces the discovery of civil society and discusses its historical trajectory and professionalization in India. It suggests that the experience of India clearly illustrates the notion that civil society is a site of struggle between different sorts of groups and commitments. It also highlights the existence of the so-called involuntary organizations and uncivil organizations in India.
This article focuses on civil society in Latin America. It examines the various understandings of civil society in Latin America and explores the factors underlying their diversity. It suggests that ideas about civil society in Latin America have to be understood within the context of striking levels of inequality and political societies that historically have been unable or unwilling to address this problem. It argues that the extent to which civil society is seen as entitled to a share in decision making and the extent to which conflict is seen as legitimate and public spaces are provided for its management, seem to be the crucial questions on which the future of civil society will hang across the continent.
Marc Morjé Howard
This article examines the history of civil society in post-communist regions in Europe. A closer look at the regions shows that shortly after the revolutionary moment had passed, people left the streets and their civic organizations, leaving their societies largely passive and depoliticized. This article shows the social legacies of communism have adapted and persisted, and how they may even have been reinforced by post-communist developments and experiences. It evaluates the implications of the weakness of post-communist civil society for democracy in the region and argues that while the weakness of civil society certainly does not portend democracy's demise, it does suggest that post-communist democracy will remain unsettled and somewhat troubled in the foreseeable future.
This article provides a critical survey of the contemporary history of civil society in sub-Saharan Africa. It discusses criticisms on the alleged weaknesses of contemporary civil society associations, especially urban-based non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and highlights the re-emergence of old anxieties about the capacity of civil society to expound African socialities. It concludes that while the early promise of civil society may have been exaggerated there is equal danger in inflating current levels of disillusionment with a set of ideas that retain real analytic and practical utility.
Roberta G. Lentz
This article examines the place of civil society in the digital age and the role of technology in civil society. It explains that research and commentary about the role of information and communications technologies (ICTs) in producing or reflecting social, cultural, economic, and political change has a very long history and discusses the rigidities that prevent ICTs from having any truly transformative effects on civil society or indeed society at large. It emphasizes the extent to which civil society deliberation and action in the twenty-first century both depend on, and are constrained by, electronic communication resources and their governance. The article argues that civil society and ICTs stand in a reciprocal relationship to each other because politics and communication go hand in hand.
This article explores the history of civil society in the Middle East. It suggests that the fate of civil society in the region has been closely tied to the political regimes in place and their transformation, or lack of it, over time, a fate crucially affected by the strong autocratic features that have characterized the exercise of state power in most of the region. It argues that in most Arab states and Iran, authoritarian rule and strong non-voluntary forms of social organization continue to impose significant limits on independent associational life and the strength of public spheres.
Derrill D. Watson II
Complementarities between improving agricultural production, adapting to climate change, and reducing poverty are likely to increase with climate change. Thus, the worse you believe the effects of climate change will be, the more valuable it will be to invest in sustainable agriculture and poverty reduction. Agriculture will better support climate goals to the extent that externalities are internalized by market participants through a set of policies termed full-costing. Even though global full-costing may be out of reach for technical, practical, and political reasons, this chapter illustrates that numerous options exist to bring agricultural policies closer to socially optimal values.