Adam J. Silverstein
This chapter argues that both the focus on Abraham as a unifying figure and the categorization of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam as comparable religions (which, importantly, are to be distinguished from others), have been in evidence since ancient times. The chapter draws on both the theological stances of each religion towards the other, and on assorted moments in history when the relationship between the Abrahamic religions—and amongst their adherents—was appreciated and even highlighted.
Peter E. Pormann
The classical tradition not only provided the backdrop against which the Abrahamic religions emerged, but also provided a constant source of inspiration for their development over the centuries. The present chapter offers a number of vignettes on this topic, looking at: the Christian apologetic literature through the perceptive of the patristic historian Franz Overbeck; the Talmudic concept of the ‘Wisdom of Greek (Ḥoḵmaṯ Yewānīṯ)’; the Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement, and notably how the ‘philosopher of the Arabs’, al-Kindī, established philosophy in the Arabo-Islamic tradition; Maimonides’ work on medicine and speculative theology, showing the continuities between Alexandria in antiquity and the medieval world on the different shores of the Mediterranean; the interest in Greek and Latin at the Ottoman court; and the importance of classical studies for the development of Islam’s modernity.
The Mediterranean has been an exceptionally important place of interaction, competition, and, at times, conflict among Jews, Christians, and Muslims, throughout the centuries since the rise of Islam. In this chapter, the emphasis is upon the themes of crystallization of identity, dispersion, and conflict. In the early Middle Ages the borders between the various religious communities in the Mediterranean were at times ill-defined, with frequent interaction and overlaps in religious identities. This situation changes in the Middle Ages, with permeable boundaries turning into physical, social, legal, and cultural walls. Thus, in many Mediterranean communities we can observe the crystallization of the religious groups into self-confident communities led by literate elites and wedded to codes of law embodied in the Talmud, in the evolving system of canon law, and in Muslim ḥadīths and fatwas. This stiffening of the boundaries is reflected in the Crusades and in the Iberian conflicts.
Rubén René Dupertuis
The Acts of the Apostles offers a kind of sequel to Gospel of Luke, telling the story of the spread of the Jesus movement through the activities of key leaders, beginning in Jerusalem, moving westward into the Aegean region, and finally to Rome, the imperial center. Narrative approaches have been instrumental in turning attention to how the author tells the story using the tools of narrative—plot, characterization, and so on—as well as to how the author’s use of linguistic and cultural codes would have been heard by ancient readers. This chapter explores the importance of this westward geographical movement in Acts and, through a reading of the story of Paul’s visit to Philippi (Acts 16:11–40), looks at the ways in which the author of Acts adapts narrative conventions to highlight particular moments in the progression.
Peter C. Bouteneff
Adam and Eve, who barely appear in the Bible after they are introduced in the book of Genesis, serve a short but important list of functions within early Christian writing. They represent Christ and Mary, respectively, among other typological readings of the Paradise narrative. They also stand for all of humanity, partly by virtue of their location at the top of the human genealogy, and partly because their acts in the garden are commonly universalized to represent the sins of each and all. The understanding of their sin as resulting in an original guilt passed on through the generations is by no means a common one in early Christian writing. The question of their historical existence is not foreign to some of the ancient authors—nor does it really preoccupy any of them—but it does not receive a straightforward or consistent answer.
The narrative(s) in Genesis 1–3 is a foundational text for Western discourse on gender and sexuality. To date, studies of biblical masculinities have virtually ignored the biblical first male subject; feminist scholarship has long focused on Eve; and queer readings that render Genesis 1–3 alien to modern discourses are promising but small in number. This chapter takes some tentative first steps toward a more focused reception history of Adam as a gendered subject. In light of the current (and still relatively new) state of scholarship on biblical masculinities, the chapter then proposes that reception history and cultural-historical approaches to biblical “afterlives” offer a promising path for future work. Particular attention is paid to Adam’s gender in Genesis 1–3 itself and in the writings of Paul, as well as in later theological, literary, and artistic texts.
John M. Giggie
The topic of black religious newspapers is one that has received scant attention from scholars of religion and the media, who prefer wider stories on the rise of the institution of the black press in general or narrower ones on a famous secular press. News about African Americans' sacred life has not always been readily and amply available. Indeed, the history of the modern black religious press is more a chronicle of failed endeavors than long-running successes, of aborted efforts than sustained publications. Since the birth of black newspapers in the nineteenth century, only a few denominational organs have avoided bankruptcy and lasted beyond a few months. That notable list includes the Christian Recorder, the Christian Index, the Baptist Vanguard, and the Southwestern Christian Advocate. These papers persisted far longer than their peers because they shared a range of editorial themes, advertising strategies, and marketing tactics that set them apart from their competitors and, in the minds of many blacks, made them essential to their daily lives.
In the last few decades, stories about complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) have increasingly become a staple of domestic and international newspaper health coverage. These are often pegged to the dramatic upsurge in the use of alternative health practices or to scientific research on the efficacy of particular treatments. Newspapers reporting the rise of alternative health practices do not generally overplay the trend. However, reporters rarely situate CAM within the shifting tides of contemporary spirituality and religion. This article examines journalistic coverage of CAM in light of this disconnect between the religious/spiritual nature of CAM, on the one hand, and the paucity of journalistic attention to such on the other. Drawing particularly on categories of solidarity developed by Charles Taylor, it argues that mainstream newspaper journalism in the United States tends to be more in line with one style of solidarity, and the particular spiritual quality of CAM with another.
This chapter offers an overview of the history and historiography of some of the nonverbal aspects of American Bibles, focusing on format, bindings, and paper. These features of Bibles have evolved both materially and symbolically, owing to changing technologies, economic considerations, aesthetic preferences, and, crucially, a tension between two opposed ideals regarding the Bible’s physical presence. Americans with various stakes in Bible production have shared a sense that Bibles should be both materially impressive and widely accessible. The changing forms of Bibles make particularly legible the push and pull between transcendence and immanence, a contest ongoing in the digital age.
Throughout the first decade of the twenty-first century, there was a noticeable decline in the influence of two major players in twentieth-century American life: Roman Catholicism and the mass-market newsweekly. Beginning with the clergy sexual abuse crisis in 2001, the Roman Catholic Church suffered a blow to its credibility as never before experienced. For a third of the nation's history (from the founding of the first newsweekly in the 1920s through the alleged end of the era of the newsweekly in 2010), the covers of the most influential magazines—Time, Life, and Newsweek—acted not only as windows into the soul of the nation but also as the stained glass of the newsstand. The place of religion in these peculiar products of American media is noteworthy in general. Despite the newsweeklies' eagerness to exploit the church's fall from grace, they have been slow to recognize that the mass-market media has suffered potentially fatal wounds from the same slings and arrows endured by the church.
Russell W. Dalton
Children’s Bibles have been among the most popular and influential types of religious publications in the United States, providing many Americans with their first formative experiences of the Bible and its stories. This chapter explores the variety of ways in which children’s Bibles have adapted, illustrated, and retold Bible stories for children throughout US history. Children’s Bibles served a variety of ends, such as teaching biblical literacy, instilling a fear and respect for God’s power and judgment, calling children to salvation in Jesus Christ, modeling moral virtues, and reframing Bible stories as fun and engaging stories that portray a friendly God who cares for children.
This article explores how American journalists cover religion in Europe, where issues of faith and church-state relations lead to differing interpretations of religio-ethnic news events, by analyzing U.S. newspaper coverage of the anti-Islamic Dutch MP Geert Wilders. A focus on Geert Wilders incorporates both the Netherlands and Britain into the analysis but also Europe more generally given that the case prompted a wider discussion of immigration and the place of Islam in European societies. After discussing the differing roles and perceptions of religion in the United States and Europe, the article considers the differing models of integration for immigrants on the two continents and demonstrates how this has played out in news coverage of Islam. An examination of the reporting of the Geert Wilders case shows how Islam in Europe is represented through a conflict frame that incorporates a discourse of immigration, cultural incompatibility, identity, liberalism, and freedom.
Jonathan D. Sarna
Since their emergence in the first half of the nineteenth century, Jewish newspapers have helped to shape religious community, tied far-flung American Jews together, and kept them informed. Indeed, the establishment of Jewish newspapers marked a critical turning point in the community's history. Subsequently, at key moments in the community's evolution, new “must read” periodicals regularly appeared. Yet, the history of Jewish journalism in the United States also represents, for long stretches of time, a sad saga of decline. As independent newspapers became dependent and critical voices were silenced, the Jewish press became harder to respect. This article focuses on the Jewish press in America. It first provides an overview of the beginnings of Jewish journalism and then looks at alternative models of Jewish journalism, the emergence of foreign-language Jewish newspapers, the American Hebrew, the deterioration of Jewish journalism particularly during the interwar years, and other sources of Jewish news. The article concludes by discussing American Jewish journalism's Golden Age and recent developments related to Jewish press.
Between the years 1870 and 1930, there was both a significant decline in the space devoted to religion reporting and a shift in how religion, and its relationship to scientific knowledge, was conceived and presented in journalistic accounts. This article discusses two different but related developments within journalism. First, it analyzes editorials from the New York Times, one of the most influential newspapers in the United States during the period, from 1870 through 1930. Second, it looks at the different efforts and strategies employed to create a new profession of journalism that would be on the same social plane as the more established medical and legal professions. As organizational structures gave institutional legitimacy to journalism through schools, journals, and professional associations, advocates for professionalization were able to use these institutions to advance new ideas about religion and science, and journalism's relationship to each.
Uighurs, a religiously and ethnically distinct Chinese Muslim community who are largely Sunni Muslims, share more in common with their Central Asian neighbors, ethnically and culturally, than their Chinese rulers. They speak a different language, possess different physical characteristics, and maintain their own distinct way of life and traditions. Eight million Uighurs are found in Xinjiang, which sits in remote northwestern China. Despite similarities to a well-known beleaguered Chinese community, Tibetan Buddhists, the Uighurs' plight has received very little media attention. Indeed, when their story has been told, it has been linked, however tenuously, to the specter of international Islamic terrorism. This article explores American news coverage of the Uighurs before and after 9/11. By looking at how and why this happened, the article illuminates American press practices regarding the coverage both of religion in China and of Islam.
Going back to the earliest days of the American republic, the Muslims, particularly those from the Arab world, have been described in most coverage by U.S. newspapers as a vaguely menacing place, with values and cultures often depicted as antithetical to those of the United States. Islam itself has often been portrayed as an archaic religious and political force that has consigned the Arab world to backwardness. Anti-Muslim sentiment developed early, as eighteenth-century American religious leaders such as Cotton Mather and Jonathan Edwards denounced Islam and the prophet Mohammed. News organizations, like the entertainment media, grasp at stereotypes. Just as the nomadic, camel-borne Arab and later the “Muslim terrorist” have become stock characters in film, television, and novels, so too do the news media often reduce their coverage themes to simplistic formulae. That many in the news media believed that Islam and violence are interconnected is evidence of flawed journalism. The truth is that the vast majority of Muslims find terrorism reprehensible.
An article published in the Chicago Daily Tribune on September 19, 1886, offered a distinctively nineteenth-century angle on “The Buddhist Mahatma Craze” then sweeping through the ranks of the urban elite in the United States. If the Tribune article shows that religious ferment is a constant feature of American religious life, it also highlights elements of American journalism that have dramatically changed since the 1880s. What we would now consider editorializing is mostly absent from current religion coverage in our mainstream news media. Also, an unalloyed element of racism, coupled with almost uniformly uncritical support for missionary and military enterprises in Asia, once informed most of the reporting on immigrant Buddhists and Buddhism in general. This article explores how the largest daily newspapers in America's three most populous cities—the New York Times, the Chicago Daily Tribune, and the Los Angeles Times—reported on Buddhism from the 1870s to the present.
Herbert B. Huffmon
“An eye for an eye” is a famous summary statement regarding appropriate punishment for a wrong, especially personal injury. It has been variously understood as requiring equivalent, even duplicate, punishment or as setting a limit on punishment, and has even been labeled primitive or barbaric. In the biblical world it primarily represents the notion that the crime and the punishment should be commensurable and establishes a basis for negotiation. In the case of false witnessing, the biblical and ancient Near Eastern legal tradition emphasizes that a lying witness should receive the punishment that would have been determined for the accused. In ancient Israel, capital punishment is generally more restricted than among its neighbors. In the Gospel tradition this principle of commensurability is turned upside down, shifting the emphasis to how one should not lie, whether under oath or not, and should positively respond even to forceful actions or demands.
Joel M. LeMon
The Psalms can conjure a variety of images ranging from the darkest fears of death and abandonment to the most exuberant worship of the Creator. The Psalter’s rhetorical power stems in large part from its deployment of literary imagery. Scholars employing iconographical approaches to the Psalms explore the structure of the texts by juxtaposing the literary imagery of the psalms with pictorial imagery from ancient Israel and the larger ancient Near East. In his 1972 monograph, The Symbolism of the Biblical World: Ancient Near Eastern Iconography and the Book of Psalms, Othmar Keel argues that “iconography compels us to see through the eyes of the ancient Near East.” In recent years, many biblical scholars have relied on ancient Near Eastern iconography to understand the background of biblical imagery. This article explores how pictorial imagery can enhance the exegetical process by focusing on Psalm 76, which shows how scenes of violence in ancient Near Eastern iconography can shape one’s reading of the Psalms.
Comparative studies between biblical law and the ancient Near Eastern collections of laws began after the publication of the Laws of Hammurabi in 1902. Biblical law appears to have a relationship to cuneiform law. Literary dependence of one text on another text presupposes that the borrower and the source had direct contact with each other. When and where did the ancient Israelites have such contact with the Laws of Hammurabi? Two periods and places have been proposed that ostensibly fit the situation. Neither of the two examples often referred to by scholars as examples of the relationship of the Covenant Code to the laws of Hammurabi can be considered a translation of the Laws of Hammurabi by the Covenant Code. Although the protases are quite similar, they are not identical; and the apodoses which contain the penalties are different. A logical conclusion is that the penalties appearing in the Covenant Code reflect Israelite conceptions.