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This chapter focuses on the absence of certain marginal groups from the United Nations’ Women, Peace, and Security Agenda and suggests correctives to those exclusions. The chapter discusses how men and boys as victims of sexual and gender-based violence have been erased in this agenda, and the consequences of this erasure. It challenges the assumptions of militarized masculinity as a uniformly shared identity among conflict-engaged men. It also looks at the outcome of pregnancies resulting from wartime rape and shows how children born of rape are presented and treated in their communities. The chapter draws on research conducted in Peru and Colombia and shows the necessity of understanding both the perpetration and experience of violence in nuanced ways.

This article focuses on the access objective of urban planning. It aims to articulate a clear role for measures of metropolitan accessibility, and to demonstrate the utility of these measures in informing and influencing policy. The article describes the use and measurement of accessibility for metropolitan areas, evaluates the current state of knowledge and literature, and identifies important issues about measurement. It suggests that problem definitions should be reformed to bring them in line with current transportation goals and argues that the concept of accessibility may offer a compelling, attractive, and alternative basis for policies related to the built environment when operationalized using cumulative-opportunities measures.

Accountability in nonprofits is complicated and multi-faceted. Nonprofits can also be sites of vibrant civic engagement, community governance, and providers of valuable local services. Contemporary accountability regimes emphasize organizational maintenance, competition, entrepreneurship, and sustainability. Civic engagement in the governance and operations of local nonprofits can be time-consuming, albeit very valuable. To achieve accountability and citizen engagement, nonprofits need to consult with their key stakeholders and think comprehensively and strategically about their mission. Government and private funders also need to approach accountability broadly and consider the different programmatic and community benefits of nonprofit programs.

This article considers accountability and the survival of governments. A government is considered to be accountable when its citizens can hold it responsible for its actions and punish or reward it with their vote during the elections. The article begins with a look at the elections and the retrospective control of politicians. Some empirical evidence that has been gathered from retrospective models of elections is presented, and the limits of accountability are identified. Finally, non-electoral threats are discussed.

This chapter explores the ways in which public standards of accountability are brought to bear on a nominally private institution: the commercial corporation. It considers several classic arguments in favor of widening the set of interests in society that the corporation should serve. These classic positions, it is argued, fail to capture the range of social issues facing the company. A different way of identifying those issues is proposed. This in turn permits one to identify three types of interest that stakeholders have in the company. With these distinctions in place, a map of different types of corporate accountability is drawn, aimed at underpinning policies shaping corporate governance.

This chapter describes the development of reparations in international humanitarian and international criminal law. It then highlights the tension between judicial reparations and the harms that victims experience in conflict, particularly gendered harms such as sexual violence and discrimination against women. It demonstrates the importance of incorporating gender analyses into reparations programs and practice to fully redress victims’ needs and rights. It argues that reparations programs should acknowledge the challenges that victims of sexual and gender-based violence face, which may impact their participation in reparation proceedings. It also argues that reparations programs should focus on rectifying structural injustice to ensure gender atrocities are not repeated.

This article describes the insights and limitations of rational choice institutionalism in political science. It then shows that organization theory offers insights into agency evolution but has limited explanatory power for public sector agencies. Moreover, a general model of agency adaptation failure that combines elements of the two theoretical perspectives is provided. The literatures in organization theory, political science, public administration, and public management that appear most relevant for studying agency adaptation failure do not offer any off-the-shelf approaches. The article looks at adaptation from the perspective of agency leaders, and then represents the substance and logic of the model of adaptation failure. It finally presents some thoughts about promising avenues of future research on agency design and evolution.

This article discusses agenda setting, and is organized into four main sections. The first section looks at the possibility that some individual or institution may hold exclusive power over the agenda. This is a possibility that is usually overlooked by analysts situated outside the rational choice framework. The second section puts emphasis on the links between the study of agenda setting and democratic theory. This is followed by a discussion of another issue that is not sufficiently researched by students of agenda setting, namely: the selection of priorities within the decision agenda. The last section in the article highlights the growing impact of international factors on the formation of national agendas.

This chapter examines the agenda-setting capacity of global policy networks. It argues that the capacity of global networks to promote new ideas and understanding about issues at the global scale depends on their ability to produce information and indicators, to quantify the magnitude of issues and the consequences of inaction, and to take advantage of the opportunities generated by political transformations and preference shifts. Yet, it recognizes that once global networks are formally institutionalized, they become important gatekeepers, preventing the entry of certain issues and ideas onto the political agenda, by adopting above all a strategy of non-decision. The chapter also highlights some of the theoretical and methodological shortcomings of this line of research, especially those regarding legitimacy and political representation.

This article addresses the role of knowledge agents in governance, focusing on codified products produced by socially recognized experts and scientists; categorizes these agents into knowledge actors (individuals), knowledge institutions (in their organizational format), and knowledge networks; and describes their work. It also considers the politics of knowledge or scientific competition and highlights the struggles between different modes of knowledge or what are often described as discourses, worldviews, and regimes of truth.

The United States has long enjoyed an essentially unopposed ability to project power and sustain its security forces dispersed throughout the world. However, the uncertainty facing the global security environment, including tenuous alliances, fiscal constraints, and a decline in overseas basing, has increased tensions in emerging areas of potential conflict. These factors are driving change regarding the United States’ defense posture and access agreements abroad. While the preponderance of overseas capability outweighs the preponderance of U.S. forces, deterrence continues to underpin the overarching national security strategy. However, deterrence options impacted by the lack of resilience and investment in distributed logistics and sustainment are generating an additional range of variables and conditions for operators on the ground to consider in shared and contested domains.

There are four standard American foreign policy traditions, and they have existed since the beginning of the republic. The traditions include isolationists/nationalists like George Washington and Andrew Jackson; realists like Alexander Hamilton and Teddy Roosevelt; conservative internationalists like Thomas Jefferson and Ronald Reagan; and liberal internationalists like Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt. Rooted in both the history and the logic of the American experience, the traditions are indispensable to ensure that America considers all of the elements of a changing world in meeting global challenges.

American animal shelters house between six and eight million dogs and cats each year. The question of what to do with millions of healthy but unwanted animals has animated sheltering from the start. Responses reveal how the presence of animals in society shapes institutions, laws, and policies. Pounds emerged to resolve the problems posed by stray animals. Concern for animal welfare created the need and justification for shelters, as humane alternatives to the pounds. Trends in pet-keeping and veterinary medicine shaped twentieth-century sheltering practices, as shelter populations evolved from strays to unwanted pets. Recently, criticism of high euthanasia rates engendered no-kill shelters. The social and cultural significance of animal sheltering lies in the light it sheds on the changing value of companion animals.

Archaeozoology may be defined as the scientific evaluation of faunal materials retrieved from archaeological sites. These include all the organic remains left in the soil after the death and decay of animals but also the representation of animals in rock art and on portable materials. Zooarchaeology is a comparable term but differs in that the primary reason for study of the animals is archaeological rather than zoological. However, the two terms are often used as synonyms. A summary is given of the development of archaeozoology as a multidisciplinary science, followed by examples of investigations on mammalian remains that exemplify how comparative osteology, isotope analysis, molecular biology, radiocarbon dating, and searches of literature can all be used to reveal the roles played by the multiplicity of animal species that have been associated with human societies over millennia since the end of the last Ice Age.

The idea that there might be “limits to growth” is a key and contested feature of environmental politics. This chapter outlines the limits to growth thesis, describes and assesses critical reactions to it, and comments upon its relevance today. It argues that, after an initial highpoint in the early 1970s, the thesis declined in importance during the 1980s and 1990s under criticism from “ecological modernizers” and from environmental justice advocates in the global South who saw it as way of diverting blame for ecological problems from the rich and powerful to the poor and dispossessed. “Peak oil” and climate change have, though, given renewed impetus to the idea, and this has given rise to new discourses and practices around “sustainable prosperity” and “degrowth.”

This article discusses three options that the article dubs as arguing, bargaining, and getting agreement. It emphasizes what seem to be usefully prescriptive norms of behaviour for the ‘combatants’ in the public policy arena. The article studies discourse between dialogue and discussion; the former refers to the exploration of options, while the latter refers to making decisions. Hard bargaining, negotiating, and organizational learning are the other concepts discussed in the article.

This article discusses issues concerning the promotion of democracy and the assisting of civil society. It explains the process of building the infrastructure of civil society assistance and highlights criticisms against democracy-promotion programs. Many of the criticisms highlighted in this article provide something of a roadmap for ensuring that the incorporation of civil society into democracy-promotion programs generates some positive results. This article suggests that it is important to take into account the prime importance of social and economic development in the promotion of democracy and that democracy promoters should think beyond non-governmental organizations (NGOs) when conceiving of civil society.

This article discusses beauty as a goal of urban planning, and presents a brief history of beauty as a driving force in city building and professional city-planning activities from the pre-modern era up to the present day. It also considers several theoretical frameworks that lend insight into why beauty in cities is important and then moves on to key concerns voiced about beauty in contemporary planning practice.

This chapter explains basic concepts used by the executive branch and Congress in requesting and allocating federal budget resources for national security. It provides a context for mandatory and discretionary budgeting and also defines some basic budget terms, such as “budget authority” and “outlays.” The chapter briefly explains the budgeting process, first within the executive branch (e.g., the White House and Departments of Defense and State) and then within the Congress, both the House of Representatives and the Senate. In addition, the chapter highlights some of the trade-offs that the executive branch and Congress must make in allocating federal budget resources to national security.

This article focuses on the establishment of metropolitan institutions or metropolitan governance. It suggests that recent metropolitan governance failed to address the major obstacles facing metropolitan institution building, including the strength of local governments, the unwillingness of national states to seriously support metropolitan governance, and the lack of enthusiasm for metropolitan institutions in civil society. The article also argues that, unless there is a strong political leadership to carry the process forward and a political legitimacy of the metropolitan area, it is impossible to build enduring institutions at the metropolitan scale.