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date: 18 November 2017

(p. xi) List of Figures

(p. xi) List of Figures

  1. 2.1 Copula absence in contemporary AAVE 43

  2. 2.2 Copula absence in Creoles 43

  3. 5.1 Map of Liberia, within West Africa 106

  4. 5.2 Map of Liberia with cities 107

  5. 7.1 Regional contexts of AAL described in North Carolina by the staff of North Carolina Language and Life Project (NCLLP) 144

  6. 7.2 Comparison of postvocalic r-lessness in regionally situated communities in North Carolina 145

  7. 7.3 Comparison of –s absence in regionally situated communities in North Carolina 146

  8. 7.4a Regional reduction and AAE intensification: The Hyde County (Eastern NC) trajectory 152

  9. 7.4b AAE reduction and regional dialect maintenance: The Beech Bottom trajectory (Appalachian NC) 152

  10. 7.4c The curvilinear model: Texana (Appalachian NC)/Roanoke Island (Eastern NC) 153

  11. 8.1 Estimated population percentages for South Carolina (east of the mountains) from 1685 to 1790 168

  12. 8.2 Estimated population percentages for Creeks/Georgia/Alabama from 1685 to 1790 169

  13. 9.1 Percentage of first and second singular and plural verbal –s over time in five cohorts of Springville speakers 185

  14. 9.2 Percentage of all invariant be forms derived from will/would deletion over time 187

  15. 9.3 Decrease of is for are over time for rural AAVE speakers 188

  16. 9.4 Percentage of third singular verbal –s over time in rural AAVE 190

  17. 9.5 Factors affecting the copula in pre–World War II AAVE, along with the preferred form in the environment 191

  18. 9.6 Factors affecting the copula in post–World War II AAVE, along with the preferred form in the environment 192

  19. (p. xii) 9.7 Comparison of the effects of following grammatical environment on copula absence for pre– and post–World War II speakers 193

  20. 9.8 Percentage of invariant be not derived from will/would deletion that is habitual 194

  21. 9.9 Percentage of invariant be not derived from will/would deletion that occurs before V+–ing 195

  22. 9.10 Expansion of innovative had + past (percentage of had + past as a simple past out of all past tense forms) 195

  23. 9.11 Distribution of quotatives over six cohorts of Springville AAVE speakers 196

  24. 11.1 The “Southern Shift” 225

  25. 11.2 Atlanta African American male vowel means versus Kent and Read national means 229

  26. 11.3 Atlanta African American female vowel means versus Kent and Read national means 229

  27. 11.4 Roswell African American male front vowel means versus Atlanta means 231

  28. 11.5 Roswell African American female front vowel means versus Atlanta means 232

  29. 12.1 Mean frequencies (Hz; normalized; ERB) of the first (F1) and second (F2) formants for all speakers in the sample 248

  30. 13.1 The African American vowel system in Detroit, with short–a approximating the position of short–e 258

  31. 13.2 Philadelphia Neighborhood Corpus subjects analyzed for the current study by race, date of birth, and year of interview 259

  32. 13.3 Locally weighted regression analyses of two nonsalient Philadelphia sound changes by date of birth and race 260

  33. 13.4 Locally weighted regression analyses of two back upgliding Philadelphia sound changes in Philadelphia by date of birth and race. /aw/ (in south, out, down) and /owC/ (in road, goat, phone) 261

  34. 13.5 Locally weighted regression analyses of two ingliding Philadelphia sound changes in Philadelphia by date of birth and race. /æh/ (in man, bath, mad) and /oh/ (in water, talk, off) 262

  35. 13.6 Locally weighted regression analyses of tense and lax short–a classes in Philadelphia by date of birth for Whites and African Americans 264

  36. 13.7 Traditional short–a split in the speech of Jean B., 60 [2006] 264

  37. 13.8 Distribution of bimodality values of Ashman’s D for /æh/ versus /æ/ for PNC speakers with more than 7 tokens of /æh/ 266

  38. 13.9 The nasal system of Alex P., U. of Pennsylvania freshman [2012] 266

  39. (p. xiii) 13.10 Bimodality measured by Ashman’s D for the traditional Philadelphia system against bimodality of innovative nasal system for White mainstream speakers, African Americans, Hispanics, and graduates of three Philadelphia high schools 267

  40. 13.11 Comparison of Philadelphia vowel systems of Jerome L. and Burt C. 269

  41. 13.12 Short–a in the vowel system of Jackie C. 271

  42. 13.13 AAVE variants of phonological variables for Black speakers by degree of inter-ethnic contact 274

  43. 13.14 AAVE variants of grammatical variables for Black speakers by degree of inter-ethnic contact 274

  44. 13.15 Bimodality of /aeh/ and /ae/ for twenty African American speakers 275

  45. 14.1 Schematic representation of the different realizations of boat 287

  46. 14.2 Normalized means for bought realizations, by speaker 290

  47. 14.3 Normalized means for boat realizations per speaker 291

  48. 14.4 DD’s realizations of boat 292

  49. 14.5 Linguistic co-occurrence in DD’s excerpts 293

  50. 16.1 One-handed versus two-handed signs: comparison of results for Southern Black ASL, Louisiana Black ASL, Northern Black ASL, and White ASL 322

  51. 16.2 ASL sign, TEACHER, in citation and lowered form 322

  52. 16.3 Size of the signing space: grammatical category by race 325

  53. 16.4 Size of the signing space by race 326

  54. 16.5 Average proportion of time for each unit in the cartoon narratives 327

  55. 16.6 Average proportion of time for each unit in the free narratives 327

  56. 16.7a TRIPPING, forehead with movement out 330

  57. 16.7b TRIPPING, forehead, short repeated movement, no movement out 331

  58. 16.8 WHASSUP? 331

  59. 16.9 GIRL PLEASE 332

  60. 16.10a MY BAD (male) 333

  61. 16.10b MY BAD (female) 333

  62. 21.1 Consonant clusters by syllable type and cluster type 405

  63. 21.2 Following environments affecting consonant cluster simplification 405

  64. 21.3 Environments affecting the absence of /r/ 406

  65. 21.4 Environments for glide weakening of /ai/ 411 (p. xiv)

  66. 22.1 Narrowband spectrogram and pitch track of an utterance showing a high density of high tones distinct from lower tones in between 427

  67. 22.2 Narrowband spectrogram and pitch track of another utterance showing a high density of high tones 427

  68. 22.3 Narrowband spectrogram and pitch track of an utterance showing a low tone on the final stressed syllable (days) 428

  69. 22.4 Narrowband spectrogram and pitch track of an utterance showing a low tone on a non-final syllable with primary stress (in started) 428

  70. 22.5 Narrowband spectrogram and pitch track of an utterance showing the stressed syllable of hospital with and without a high pitch accent 429

  71. 22.6 Narrowband spectrogram and pitch track of an utterance showing stressed go with a relatively low tone 429

  72. 22.7 Narrowband spectrogram and pitch track of an utterance showing stressed go with a high tone 430

  73. 23.1 MLU values of AAE-speaking children across age (18 to 51 months) 444

  74. 24.1 MAE–AAE continuum 455

  75. 24.2 DDM scores (features per utterance) for thirty-two speakers at six time points 459

  76. 24.3a Number of speakers whose optimal AAE usage occurred at each time point 459

  77. 24.3b Number of speakers whose minimal AAE usage occurred at each time point 460

  78. 24.4 Linear Regression of DDM scores (features per utterance) against number of feature types 461

  79. 24.5 Factor weights across age/grade for copula absence, –ing fronting, and third-person singular –s absence 462

  80. 24.6 Invariant be raw use by age/grade 462

  81. 24.7 Percentage of vowel shift difference (for means of five vowel classes: BEET, BAT, BUT, BOT, and BOAT) from Grade Ten for ten speakers 464

  82. 24.8 Individual trajectories of style shifting for Grades One to Two, Grade Six, and Grade Eight, by difference scores 465

  83. 24.9 Median, mean, standard deviation, percentile, and range for difference scores at three time points 466

  84. 24.10 Mean child DDM (features per utterance) plotted against the mean mother’s DDM at six time points, significant differences indicated 467

  85. 24.11 Intra-class correlation coefficients for girls and boys at Grades Six, Eight, and Ten 468 (p. xv)

  86. 26.1 Possible narrative performances from African American children 506

  87. 33.1 Fourth-grade NAEP reading scores, by race, 1992–2011 618

  88. 33.2 Absence of four morphological elements in the speech of African American and White struggling readers in low-income Philadelphia schools 621

  89. 33.3 Conditioning factors for absence of verbal {s} in the spontaneous speech of fifty-eight African American struggling readers, Philadelphia 622

  90. 33.4 Percentage of realization in speech and correct identifications of meanings of inflections by African American second graders in New York City, before and after training 623

  91. 33.5 Correlations of influence of grammatical form on African American second graders with inhibition of scores on WJ-R Applied Math problems 624

  92. 33.6 Absence of element in speech compared to clear error rates in reading for four linguistic variables for White and Black struggling readers in Philadelphia 626

  93. 33.7 Number of potential errors, by race, for four morphosyntactic features for struggling readers in Philadelphia in pre-test diagnostic reading, Ray and His Bad Cat 627

  94. 33.8 Frequency of following error for clear errors, potential errors, and correct readings for four AAVE features in the pre-training reading text, Ray and His Bad Cat 629

  95. 33.9 Error rates for twenty phonemic/graphemic variables in reading the diagnostic, Ray and His Bad Cat, before and after the Reading Road program for 124 African American and 103 White students in Philadelphia, Atlanta, and Southern California, 2001–2003 630

  96. 33.10 Pre- and post-test clear error rates in words including five features of AAVE in the Reading Road program in Philadelphia, 2001–2003 631

  97. 33.11 Pre- and post-test percentile scores on Woodcock-Johnson III Word ID, Word Attack, and Passage Comprehension in Philadelphia, 2001–2003 631

  98. 34.1 Estimated effect of linguistic features on student scores 645

  99. A.1 Plot of z ¯ ^ i j [ l ], s against z ¯ ^ i j [ l ], s 655

  100. A.2 Plot of β against question average correct answers 655

(p. xvi)