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date: 22 November 2017

(p. xvii) List of Tables

(p. xvii) List of Tables

  1. 2.1 Types of evidence relevant to the Creole Origins Hypothesis 36

  2. 2.2 Decreolization model for Caribbean English Creole copula systems 44

  3. 2.3 Frequency of copula absence by following environment in creoles, AAVE, and various studies of the acquisition of English by speakers of other languages 46

  4. 5.1 State of origin for African American immigrants to Liberia, divided into Sinoe and non-Sinoe, 1820–1891 111

  5. 5.2 Overt marking of irregular nouns 118

  6. 5.3 Overt marking of regular nouns 119

  7. 9.1 Historical contexts for the development of AAVE in the United States 182

  8. 9.2 Recessive/obsolete phonological and grammatical features in rural AAVE 184

  9. 9.3 Continuous phonological and grammatical features in rural AAVE 189

  10. 9.4 Innovative phonological and grammatical features in rural AAVE 193

  11. 10.1 1990 racial demographics of Clarksdale, Jonestown, and Coahoma County 203

  12. 10.2 1990 racial demographics of other rural towns outside of Coahoma County 207

  13. 10.3 Probability analysis for subject of sentence 209

  14. 10.4 Preceding grammatical environment of Creoles, AAVE, and diaspora AAE 210

  15. 10.5 Education and township results of copula absence and r-lessness 212

  16. 11.1 Atlas data from Atlanta: three 220

  17. 11.2 Atlas data from Atlanta: six 221

  18. 11.3 Atlas data from Atlanta: eight 221

  19. 11.4 Atlas data from Atlanta: ten 222

  20. 11.5 Atlas data from Atlanta: half 222

  21. 11.6 Atlas data from Atlanta: two 223

  22. 11.7 Atlas data from Atlanta: good 223 (p. xviii)

  23. 11.8 Atlas data from Atlanta: sofa 224

  24. 11.9 Atlas data from Atlanta: one 224

  25. 11.10 Speakers in the Atlanta Survey 227

  26. 13.1 Percent tensing of short–a for thirty African Americans in West Philadelphia 263

  27. 13.2 Mixed models regression analysis of bimodality (/æh/ versus /æ/) for PNC 267

  28. 13.3 Indices of dominance for five ethnic groups in Philadelphia from 1850 to 1970 272

  29. 14.1 Major features examined in studies of New York City AAL 282

  30. 14.2 Effect of ethnicity on retention of constricted postvocalic /r/ 289

  31. 15.1 Contrast between Rita and Esther’s use of canonical AAVE features 301

  32. 15.2 Varbrul probabilities, by style, for five of Baugh’s (1979) AAVE variables 302

  33. 15.3 Significant contrasts between Foxy’s interviews III and IV (1990, 1991) 305

  34. 15.4 Tinky and Foxy’s teenager versus adult use of vernacular features 305

  35. 15.5 Zero copula and consonant cluster reduction in Oakland AAVE in 1999, compared with Detroit AAVE thirty years earlier 307

  36. 15.6 Percentage Ø is/are and third person singular –s by four Black Sunnyside teens according to familiarity and race of their interlocutors 307

  37. 15.7 AAVE feature use by Black Sunnysidaz, by interlocutor characteristics 308

  38. 16.1 Black and White Deaf schools: founding and desegregation 317

  39. 16.2 Participant characteristics 319

  40. 16.3 Two-handed versus one-handed signs 321

  41. 16.4 Location: linguistic constraints 323

  42. 16.5 Location: social constraints 324

  43. 16.6 Size of the signing space: distribution of variants by race 325

  44. 16.7 Mouthing by grammatical class/function, race, age, and gender 329

  45. 19.1 TMA systems in Nigerian Pidgin, Gullah, and AAL 375

  46. 19.2 Type I predicates 377

  47. 19.3 Type II predicates 379

  48. 19.4 Type III predicates 379

  49. 19.5 Type IV predicates 379

  50. 19.6 Auxiliaries 381

  51. 20.1 Prosodic and phonological factors contributing to the occurrence of contracted and zero is in Early African American English 393 (p. xix)

  52. 20.2 Factors contributing to the occurrence of verbal –s in three varieties of Early African American English, by grammatical person 396

  53. 21.1 The effects of ethnicity on some features of Texas English 415

  54. 22.1 Percentages of subjects showing forestressing for nine words in LAGS 421

  55. 24.1 Most frequent AAE features out of all features in the DDM 460

  56. 25.1 Yes/no questions in adult AAE 479

  57. 25.2 Wh–questions in adult AAE 480

  58. 25.3 Yes/no questions for AAE 3– to 5–year–olds 480

  59. 25.4 Wh–questions for AAE 3– to 5–year–olds 481

  60. 25.5 Example elicitations 481

  61. 25.6 Mean proportion scores and standard deviations of AAE question type produced in elicitation tasks 481

  62. 25.7 Frequency of question types in elicited AAE questions out of total number where they are licensed in adult AAE 482

  63. 26.1 Elements of High Point Analysis 493

  64. 27.1 Psycholinguistic profiles of typically developing children, by dialect 515

  65. 27.2 Rates of nonmainstream English structures, by dialect 519

  66. 27.3 Proportion of overtly marked forms of BE, by dialect 520

  67. 31.1 Salient linguistic rules of AAL 591

  68. 31.2 Instructional sequence 595

  69. 31.3 Contrastive analysis examples 596

  70. 33.1 Major features differentiating AAVE from other varieties 620

  71. 33.2 Woodcock–Johnson III WA percentile scores, by race, after forty hours of RRP instruction, 2001–2003 628

  72. 34.1 The six morphosyntactic features analyzed 642

  73. 34.2 Test score and feature effect correlations 643

  74. 34.3 Feature effects averaged across students 644

  75. 34.4 Feature effects averaged across students (AAE production included in model) 648

  76. 34.5 Test score and feature effect correlations (AAE production included in model) 648

  77. 39.1 Some phonological features of AAL 729

  78. 39.2 Some grammatical features of AAL 729

  79. 39.3 Major narrative topics of African American women comedians 736

  80. 39.4 Frequency of AAWL discourse features in comedy narratives 736 (p. xx)

  81. 41.1 Judges’ perception of Speaker 1 guise 758

  82. 41.2 Judges’ perceptions of Speaker 2 guise 758

  83. 42.1 Distinctions between the three approaches to studying attitudes about race and speech style 783

  84. 44.1 Phonological and grammatical features analyzed in Wolfram (1969) 805