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date: 23 March 2019

(p. xiii) List of Tables

(p. xiii) List of Tables

  1. 1.1. The grouping of semantic parameters in evidentiality systems 15

  2. 1.2. Evidentials and ‘individual’ versus ‘mutual’ knowledge in Southern Conchucos Quechua 25

  3. 2.1. Taku evidentials in sentences involving a first person 51

  4. 2.2. Taku evidentials in sentences reporting about another person 53

  5. 2.3. Causal chain and corresponding evidential categories 53

  6. 2.4. Sihuas Quechua individual and collective evidential forms 61

  7. 2.5. Wola multi-personal evidential forms meaning ‘s/he did it recently’ 62

  8. 5.1. Demonstrative pronouns in Lillooet (van Eijk 1997: 168–9) 110

  9. 5.2. Articles in Lillooet (van Eijk 1997: 192) 110

  10. 5.3. Tsou case markers, adapted from Yang (2000b: 54) 112

  11. 5.4. Non-propositional evidential systems with non-visual sensory evidentials 116

  12. 5.5. Nivaĉle determiner system (Gutiérrez 2015: 416) 118

  13. 5.6. Nivaĉle determiner system (alternative interpretation) 119

  14. 5.7. Nambikwara nominal evidential markers, Lowe (1999: 282) 120

  15. 9.1. Research bearing on the learning of evidentials 188

  16. 10.1. Interactional evidentiality in Pastaza Quichua 204

  17. 11.1. Evidential and epistemic modal enclitics in Huamalíes Quechua 224

  18. 11.2. Past tense markers in the Huamalíes Quechua verb 225

  19. 17.1. Evidential Systems of four Nambikwara Languages 337

  20. 17.2. The Southern Nambikwara dual-paradigm evidential system 340

  21. 17.3. Lakondê evidentialsː secondhand system, verbs 342

  22. 17.4. Lakondê evidentialsː firsthand system, verbs 344

  23. 17.5. Lakondê evidentialsː nouns 345

  24. 17.6. Sabanê Evidentials/Modals – Subset A 347

  25. 17.7. Sabanê Evidentials – Subset B 347

  26. 17.8. The Mamaindê Tense/Evidential System 349

  27. 18.1. The ET ‘clause modality’ paradigm 363

  28. 18.2. Distribution of evidential categories in ET languages 365

  29. 18.3. Tuyuka evidentials in synchronic and diachronic perspectives 372

  30. (p. xiv) 18.4. The Tatuyo evidential system and verbal word template 374

  31. 18.5. The Barasana evidential system and verbal word template 375

  32. 18.6. Subject agreement paradigms with three and four-way distinctions 376

  33. 18.7. The evidential paradigms of the Kotiria-Wa’ikhana sub-branch 377

  34. 18.8. Interrogative markers in Barasana and Tatuyo 379

  35. 18.9. Interrogatives in Kotiria 380

  36. 19.1. Evidentiality in Witotoan and Boran languages (© Katarzyna I. Wojtylak) 407

  37. 21.1. Sensory Lexical Components in Cree, Ojibwe, and Eastern Algonquian 434

  38. 21.2. Independent Order (I.) 437

  39. 21.3. Conjunct Order (C.) 438

  40. 21.4. Imperative Order (Imp.) 438

  41. 21.5. Summary of the Innu Evidential system (Verbal suffixes) 443

  42. 21.6. Some Innu pronouns with Evidential Inflections 444

  43. 21.7. Markers for the Dubitative and Preterit Dubitative in Southwestern Ojibwe 448

  44. 22.1. The grammatical evidential system in Nisga'a (Tarpent 1987) 466

  45. 22.2. The grammatical evidential system in Gitksan (Peterson 2010a) 467

  46. 25.1. 2010 Census on Uralic peoples of Russia 528

  47. 25.2. Temporal/evidential system in the Meadow Mari indicative (terms after Alhoniemi 1993: 104–7; Serebrennikov 1960: 171–8) 537

  48. 25.3. Temporal/evidential systems in Komi and Udmurt (terms after Serebrennikov 1960: 52–85; 115–35; Leinonen 2000: 433–4) 540

  49. 25.4. Verbal realis system in Mansi 543

  50. 25.5. Combinations of epistemic moods and evidentials in Tundra Nenets (adapted from Burkova 2010, to appear) 550

  51. 25.6. Evidential system in Nganasan (after Helimski 1994; Gusev 2007) 551

  52. 26.1. The past tense evidential system of Middle Mongolian 558

  53. 26.2. Grammaticalized evidentiality system of Khalkha 560

  54. 26.3. Kalmyk finalizing suffixes (terms after Bläsing 2003: 244) 564

  55. 26.4. A multi-term evidential system in Kalmyk 565

  56. 26.5. Buryat finite verbal suffixes 569

  57. 26.6. The expression of evidentiality in Buryat 570

  58. 26.7. Evidentials in declaratives in Mangghuer, Mongghul, and Qinghai Bonan 576

  59. 26.8. TAME system of Eastern Shira Yugur 577

  60. 27.1. Verb endings in Lhasa Tibetan 583

  61. 28.1. Bodic languages 596

  62. 28.2. Dzongkha affirmative existential copulas (Hyslop and Tshering 2017: 356) 600

  63. 28.3. Dzongkha affirmative equative copulas (Hyslop and Tshering 2017: 359) 601

  64. (p. xv) 28.4. Dzongkha progressive aspect suffixes 601

  65. 28.5. Kurtöp mirative morphemes 604

  66. 30.1. New Guinea evidential systems grouped by evidentiality categories marked 633

  67. 30.2. Evidential categories by word class and clause type in Foe 646

  68. 30.3. Foe evidential markers for positive statements 648

  69. 30.4. Final components of Foe evidential suffixes in positive and negative statements, and questions 649

  70. 30.5. Evidential markers in Duna (adapted from San Roque and Loughnane 2012a: 125, and San Roque 2008: 307, 332) 652

  71. 31.1. Non-propositional evidentials through case markers in Tsou 668

  72. 31.2. Evidentiality in a selection of Formosan languages 673

  73. 34.1. Morphology of the verb and adjective in Japanese 710

  74. 34.2. Modal, evidential, and mood markers arranged by scopal behaviour, excerpt from Narrog (2009: 227) 718

  75. 35.1. Evidentiality strategies replaced by omen and their frequency 737

(p. xvi)