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date: 22 January 2019

Abstract and Keywords

This chapter discusses two strands of research where the interaction of ellipsis with movement has been used to construct arguments pertaining to the implementation of movement in the grammar, the architecture of the grammar, and the nature of the grammar more broadly. Both lines of research discussed in this chapter take as their empirical starting point asymmetries in the behavior of moved constituents depending on whether movement originates within an ellipsis site or not. Movement from an ellipsis site is sometimes less restricted than movement from an overt phrase hypothesized to correspond to the silent structure at the ellipsis site and sometimes more restricted. The overall conclusions that can be drawn from the phenomena sampled here are that syntactic structure is present at the ellipsis site, that locality constraints are most likely not lifted within the ellipsis site, and that the identity condition on ellipsis is semantic/pragmatic rather than syntactic.

Keywords: islands, island repair, successive cyclicity, sluicing, contrast sluicing, multiple sluicing, punctuated paths, island evasion, case matching

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