Once Muslims took over from Copts the trade to the regions around Lake Chad c.1000 ad, the process of Islamization could begin in Kanem and Borno. The state of Borno by the sixteenth century had become dominant in the Lake Chad basin, and Borno’s ruler had been given the title of Caliph. To the west of Borno, under its suzerainty were the savanna trading cities of Hausaland, where the two main merchant networks, one from Birni Ngazargamu in Borno, the other (“Wangara”) from Jenne and Gao (on the River Niger), combined trade with scholarship. By the late eighteenth century, a shaikh of the Qadiriyya brotherhood, ‘Uthman dan Fodio, demanded local rulers be strictly Islamic; this gave rise to four years of jihad and its ultimate success in 1808 led to the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate, the largest precolonial state in Africa (much larger than today’s northern Nigeria).
Adane Zawdu and Sara S. Willen
A fundamental building block of the Zionist vision is the claim of a primordial link between modern-day Jews and the people and territory of ancient Israel. This claim, which has proven remarkably durable despite its changing form and its tension with understandings of Palestinian indigeneity, continues to inform conceptions of nativeness in the modern-day state of Israel. This chapter explores how constructions of Jewish nativeness in Israel have changed in relation to successive immigration processes. Taking sociocultural and political dynamics as its focus, the chapter examines the cultural and institutional practices through which the notion of Jewish nativeness, its boundaries, and its logics of inclusion and exclusion were constructed and enforced in four historical periods. In each period, an increase in ethnic and religious heterogeneity challenged established notions of Jewish nativeness and membership in new ways. Although conceptions of Jewish nativeness have changed over time, they continue to shape social boundaries by signaling, and qualifying, membership in the Israeli collective.
Islamic movements have emerged nationally and globally with diverse ideologies and strategies but with the seemingly common goal of purifying, promoting, defending, or entrenching the cause of Islam. While some appear to have taken root locally, others were inspired by foreign influence. However, the global nature of the movement and its pervasive influence have ensured that doctrinal teachings, cross-border movements, desire for religious affiliation have played a major role in their growth and impacts. This chapter explores the emergence, growth, and dynamics of Islamic social movement in Nigeria. A major thesis running through the chapter is the impact of earlier movements on latter ones with latter movements attaining higher levels of extremism depending on the available space within which they could operate. The impact of the movements are better seen in the general unrest accompanying their activities and the legacy of recurrent fundamentalism that they left behind.
Ethnic differences are commonly reflected in governing elites, public policies, political parties, voting, and intergroup conflicts. This is true of Jews in Israel despite the strong assimilationist ideology and lack of legitimacy of ethnicity and ethnic politics. Notwithstanding increasing assimilation, decreasing ethnic inequalities, and diminishing discrimination, Jews in Israel are still markedly divided by social class, religious observance, subculture, geographic concentration, and collective memory. The political divide between the Right and the Left-Center is grounded in both class and ethnicity. The bases of the right-wing parties are non-dominant and low-socioeconomic-status Jews, including Mizrahim, Russian immigrants, the National Religious, and the ultra-Orthodox, who are more nationalistic and less liberal than the economically better off supporters of the Left-Center. The political Right represents its supporters’ illiberal views well and grants them a feeling of being at home in Israel and some preferential treatment as Jews. The demographic predominance of its supporters gives the Right a lead in vying for power, makes Israel more Jewish than democratic, and reduces the chances of peacemaking with the Palestinians.
Laura Thaut Vinson
This chapter explores the problem of rising pastoralist–farmer and ethnic (religious and tribal) violence in the pluralistic Middle Belt region of Nigeria over the past thirty to forty years. In particular, it highlights the underlying issues and conflicts associated with these different categories of communal intergroup violence, the human and material costs of such conflict, and the broader implications for the Nigerian state. The federal government, states, local governments. and communities have not been passive in addressing the considerable challenges associated with preventing and resolving such conflicts. It is clear, however, that they face significant hurdles in resolving the underlying grievances and drivers of conflict, and their efforts have not always furthered the cause of conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Greater attention to patterns of inclusion and exclusion and to the allocation of rights and resources will be necessary, particularly at the state and local government levels, to create a more stable and peaceful Middle Belt.
This chapter discusses the most prominent active partisan organizations representing the Palestinian population in Israel’s political arena. Some of these organizations act as political parties in the Israeli Knesset, while others have chosen to distance themselves from participation in parliamentary elections in order to avoid any cooperation with or legitimization for the Israeli state. The Palestinian political parties in Israel have been affected by political developments and implications resulting from the Arab-Israeli conflict and particularly the Palestinian problem, alongside Israeli national political, economic and social developments since the creation of the state in 1948, in addition to being impacted by internal socioeconomic changes and transformations within the Palestinian community in Israel.
Analyzed in the context of the protracted sharia crisis that dominated Nigeria’s fourth attempt at civil democratic government (the Fourth Republic), this chapter provides historical, political, and constitutional context for the challenges posed by expanded sharia to modern governance in Nigeria. Drawing on a distinctive interdisciplinary perspective that engages entrenched traditional structures in Muslim Northern Nigeria, the chapter underscores the challenges of modern governance in this critical region of the country. Specifically, the chapter discusses how the expanded sharia policies of twelve northern Nigerian Muslim states are not only embedded in Islamic structures, practices, doctrines, and discourse in the region, but also reflect fierce contestations for state power among Nigeria’s ethno-regional political classes. Finally, the chapter analyzes the implications of expanded sharia for Nigeria’s modern constitutional development that seek to advance liberal traditions such as civil rights, state rights, freedom of religion, and secularism.