Ang Cheng Guan
This chapter examines the history of the Cold War in Southeast Asia. It explains that the onset of the Cold War coincided with nationalist struggles and decolonization, and explains why Southeast Asians should appreciate that the Cold War is a historical event which has significantly affected the development of their countries, particularly in terms of the role of the Cold War in shaping the political development of the nation-states and interstate relations in the region, and the growing interest in rewriting the history of the Cold War.
This chapter examines the root motives behind the Soviet struggle against the West and the paradigm of Soviet international behavior related to the Cold War. It suggests that decolonization contributed to the Cold War because the decline of European colonial empires in the 1950s created irresistible temptations for Soviet leaders to intervene in parts of the globe previously beyond their reach. The chapter also suggests that the Soviet Cold War consensus began to crumble when the key tenets of the revolutionary-imperial paradigm became suspect in the 1960s and 1970s. These tenets held that the West was determined to destroy the Soviet Union and its “socialist empire” by force.
This chapter, which examines the impact of the Cold War on Japan, investigates why Japan consistently allied itself to the West rather than the East and why it adopted a low-security posture. It discusses the contribution of Japan to the Western alliance system, its role in the Cold War in Asia, and how its economic power was used to fight the spread of communism. The chapter also argues against the claim that Japan “sat out” the Cold War and explains that every aspect of Japanese life, including political, strategic, economic, and cultural, was influenced to some extent by that ideological conflict.
South Asia has been a true laboratory for the students of nation-building and nationalism. No other region has experienced two partitions of the magnitude of those of 1947 and 1971. Such a violent history did not stem from the religious and linguistic diversity of the Indian subcontinent—that would be a simplistic interpretation—but from the ideologies and strategies of political actors in India and Pakistan, the two countries on which this chapter focuses. In both places, two types of nationalism have been in competition: a multicultural one (epitomized by Gandhi, Nehru, and Jinnah) and an ethno-religious one (represented by the Hindu nationalists in India and the Islamic parties in Pakistan). In India, the second brand of nationalism has gained momentum at the expense of the first one from the 1980s. In Pakistan, in addition to the Islamization of politics by both civilians such as Z.A. Bhutto and generals like Zia-ul-Haq, ethno-linguistic nationalists have prevailed (as in East Bengal) or shown a remarkable resilience (as in Baluchistan and among the Mohajirs).
Aaron William Moore
An examination of primarily Chinese and Japanese nationalism (with a brief mention of Korea), this chapter will argue that contradictions within nationalist discourse lead to stronger and more strident articulations in the postwar era. The chapter covers the importance of nationalism to Maoist anti-imperialism, the struggle over national legitimacy between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists, the extreme difficulty of contending with minority politics in China, the Japanese ‘peace movement,’ Japan’s mercurial strategic relationship with the United States, and the phenomenon of ‘growth nationalism’ in postwar East Asia, with a final note on the similarities between nations in the region. Although the divisions between the two Koreas and the Taiwan straits continue to produce stronger nationalisms in China and Korea, the chapter finishes by suggesting that the eventual end of the US-Japan Security Treaty may produce similar rifts in Japanese society.
Nationalism, as both a movement and an ideology, has played a major part in the history of the Arab world since 1945, be this in the form of pan-Arabism (espoused by Nasser and by the Ba’th Parties), of individual Arab states ( such as Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Algeria), or of Islamist variants, pan-Islamic, and national-Islamist. Under the impact of regional and international events, these variants of Arab nationalism have, at different times, based themselves on liberal, socialist, and religious principles, even as they have sought to confront the various challenges facing Arab states: independence, economic development, Palestine, Arab unity. In a comparative framework, Arab nationalism, for all its claim to singularity, raises the same questions of theory, history, and ethical stance as do nationalisms the world over.