It is often assumed that children do not really occur in medieval art. The problem for researchers is not so much one of finding representations of childhood, but of recognizing them. Medieval art has its own conventions and if we approach it with a present-minded attitude we are indeed likely to find only ‘miniature adults’ at best. This easily leads to a conclusion that medieval society neither knew nor understood the concept of childhood. Yet size and proportion can be deceptive: medieval art does not necessarily meet modern standards of naturalism and a small figure need not represent a child. This chapter considers representations of children in early medieval art, including memorials and monuments, placing these images in their artistic, iconological, and theological contexts.
Despite the apparent wealth of information that exists on agricultural buildings and the implements used to help cultivate the land and manage the livestock, there is still great potential for future research. The assemblage of agricultural equipment and buildings, which survive above ground in large numbers especially in England, is well known and lends itself to fresh approaches founded on landscape analysis. This chapter introduces readers to the range of material and the approaches to its study in the past, and suggests new ways of considering the material by combining archaeological analysis with a knowledge of contemporary written sources. The chapter highlights the grain barn as a case in point.
This article mentions certain aspects of the dynamic relationship between Anglo-Saxon archaeology and concentrates on the question of whether formal education has kept pace with these new developments. Anglo-Saxon archaeology has a low profile on the curriculum, compared to the Romans or modern history. It is suggested that, as far as the higher education sector is concerned, Anglo-Saxon archaeology has only low prominence. The impact on the public of PPG16 is both direct, via the influence it might have on the planning process of any given project, and indirect, via new modes of dissemination. Archaeologists have an important role to play in current debates to which Anglo-Saxon archaeology is directly relevant. The previous government had an interest in archaeology and it accepted responsibility for continuing the Portable Antiquities Scheme after Heritage Lottery funding ended in March 2006.
This article provides an overview of Anglo-Saxon crafts and refers to some of the issues involved. Lacking the screw thread, the Anglo-Saxon craftsmen would have made extensive use of wedges to secure clamps and vices while working. An important and widely traded product of the Stamford kilns were crucibles made of clean, white-firing clay that was heat-resistant. The basic methods used to work non-ferrous metals differ from those used to work iron. Amongst the finds from Tattershall Thorpe was a mass of copper-alloy off-cuts, probably intended for the melting pot, and six garnets: two cut to shape, three irregular, and a chip. The making of glass from the raw materials, suitable sand, lime, and soda or potash, requires a lot of heat and it is necessary to reach a temperature of around 1,700°C. The pottery industry does not seem to have benefited from the Anglo-Saxon take-over.
This article addresses how and when the small, rectilinear or irregular fields of Roman Britain were transformed into the open and common fields of medieval England. Furthermore, the sparse and often unsatisfactory physical indicators of continuities and discontinuities in the layout and management of arable fields during the Anglo-Saxon centuries are explored. Mid Saxon agricultural innovation seems to have included an increase in the area under cultivation, and the introduction of new crops, new technologies, and new approaches to maintaining the fertility of the soil, within the familiar structures of infield-outfield cultivation which remained the basis of arable management. The two general types of mid Saxon field layouts are explained: enclosed and unenclosed. The data suggests that the process of the transformation of ancient into medieval fields may have been more attenuated than previously supposed.
This article discusses that there are many pitfalls in evaluating the significance and reliability of molecular data that are mainly due to the uncontrolled context in which past biological events took place. Three methods addressed include: the analysis of archaeological human bone chemistry as evidence of dietary geography; the molecular analysis of archaeological human bone for genetic information as evidence of population relatedness; and the molecular statistics of living human genomes as evidence of past geographic dispersal. Ancient DNA (aDNA) studies, especially on humans, have a very chequered record, yielding results which are comparatively meagre for the effort involved, and furthermore are extremely difficult to corroborate. In contrast to aDNA studies, however, which are wholly dependent on the survival of original DNA, modern DNA studies can expect to increase in scope and power, benefiting from the extraordinary increase in molecular genetic knowledge driven by biomedical research.
Despite the great progress made in the fifty years since Radford described the study of timber buildings as ‘one of the most intractable problems in the whole range of early medieval studies’, key issues remain unresolved regarding their origins, construction, and function, and consideration of the relationship between buildings and the social life of Anglo-Saxon communities has scarcely begun. Apart from churches and a handful of high-status late Saxon buildings, timber construction — mostly using oak — continued to dominate during the mid and late Saxon periods. Convincing examples of halls, kitchens, bakehouses, barns, granaries and latrines have all been identified in Anglo-Saxon buildings. If most Grubenhäuser possessed suspended floors and could have been as substantial as earthfast buildings, then this has enormous implications for the interpretations of Anglo-Saxon settlements. The distinction between earthfast timber buildings and Grubenhäuser may yet prove to have been less rigid than archaeologists have tended to assume.
Julian D. Richards
This article explores the circumstances that led to Scandinavian invaders being assimilated into Anglo-Saxon England and ensured that it was the Anglo-Saxons, not the Vikings, who came to be regarded as the ancestral English. The Scandinavian settlers who arrived in England did not have a common identity. The Scandinavian elite were quick to form local alliances which cross-cut ethnic divides and did not promote any sense of Scandinavian unity. There was no single hybrid Anglo-Scandinavian identity, but a range of strategies, dependent upon context. It is clear that Scandinavians and Anglo-Saxons actively used material culture in the process of cultural assimilation, with rapid integration. It is also shown that there was no single experience of settlement or interaction, and whilst it is helpful to talk about an ‘Anglo-Scandinavian identity’ this was not derived from a simple combination of Anglo-Saxon culture on the one hand and Scandinavian on the other.
This article outlines the source material for an archaeological study of Anglo-Saxon animal husbandry, namely the excavated remains of the livestock themselves. Furthermore, the regional and diachronic variation in relative abundance is reviewed, and then addresses what is known regarding the morphology and appearance of Anglo-Saxon livestock. The three main livestock taxa (cattle, sheep, pigs) dominate the zooarchaeological assemblages. Mortality profiles are proxy evidence of husbandry regimes, reflecting the need for, and value placed upon, the diverse resources yielded by farm livestock. The impression that is acquired of animal husbandry through the Anglo-Saxon centuries is that mixed farming was carried on throughout eastern England, generally quite successfully, with minor local adaptations. There is little indication that pastoral systems were under particular stress, and clear evidence that cattle and sheep, though certainly slaughtered for meat, were not primarily raised for that purpose.
Evidence is considered here for the utilization of domestic farm and companion animals for products other than meat, for example goat horns and calf and cat skins. Selection pressures driving changes in the stature of cattle are suggested to reflect environmental changes from the Medieval Warm Period to the Little Ice Age. An example of catastrophic cattle mortality is examined with regard to the difficulty of establishing the causative effect, the sex ratio of the bodies, and the impact on the manorial farm. Routine disposal of inedible carrion is discussed with regard to urban disposal of horse bones. Constraints on livestock husbandry and the survival of faunal evidence in the uplands of Wales, northern England, and Scotland are used to demonstrate the effect of legal and commercial considerations on the Scottish data.