Two years after the revolution in Russia, the social revolution was once again fermenting on the ruins of the empires defeated in the war. The First World War was turning into a civil war and not only in countries defeated in the war. The year 1919 saw the spread of workers’ and soldiers’ councils and a series of anti-colonial revolts in the Middle East and Far East. As yet, the link between these and the October Revolution was largely symbolic, since the Communist International generally learned of events only after the fact even as it endeavoured to integrate them within a global theoretical framework. Nevertheless it felt as though revolution were spreading like a contagion, at the same time as a wave of repression no less generalized was building up. Opening in revolutionary struggle, the year 1919 would end in victory for counter-revolution.
This article explores the impact of de-Stalinization on the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and China. Writers, artists, and intellectuals welcomed the curtailment of repression—the so- called ‘thaw’—but their calls for openness and tolerance unnerved the Soviet party authorities. In 1956 Nikita Khrushchev denounced Stalin but he did not question the fundamentals of socialism. Still, his criticism of Stalin led to turmoil in the socialist camp, most notably unrest in Poland and the anti-Soviet insurrection in Hungary. While Khrushchev agreed to a reduction of Soviet influence in Poland, he ordered military intervention in Hungary. This intervention undermined the legitimacy of communism, as it made clear that communism in Eastern Europe was a Soviet imposition. Meanwhile, de-Stalinization untied Mao Zedong’s hands. He felt free to pursue China’s socialist transformation the way he thought best. Mao took advantage of Khrushchev’s predicament to assert China’s claim to leadership in the communist world.
Through their successfully waged war and also by their novel political strategies, eighteenth-century North Americans seeking home rule made history. By systematically organizing around a refusal of British goods and developing a new national taste, they politicized the everyday. Twenty years later, this politicization was reprised in the French Revolution. Whereas the new American aesthetic was defined by sobriety and domestic production, the forms generated in the French Revolutionary decade combined the symbols of Republicanism with styles connoting non-aristocratic values. The likeness and difference of the role of culture, domesticity, and gender in the American and French revolutions are represented in their iconic forms—homespun for the United States and the dress of the sans-culottes for France. Both revolutions were characterized by a consistent investment in material culture and everyday life, and gave rise to new political cultures. This reformulation is best conceptualized using the term “cultural revolution.”
Donald G. Kyle
To demonstrate the growth and sophistication of ancient sport studies, this chapter surveys Greek athletics and Roman spectacles from their origins to their overlap in the Roman Empire. It notes trends, debates, and new discoveries (e.g., of victory epigrams, agonistic inscriptions, gladiator burials). Revisionists are exposing traditional ideologies of sport and spectacle rooted in Victorian idealism and moralism. Challenging the traditional amateurist scenario of early athletic glory and tragic decline, they suggest continuities, transitions, and cultural discourse. Questioning Olympocentrism and the “exceptionalism” of Greece and Rome, studies now favor broader chronological, geographical, comparative, and inclusive approaches. Scholars are rethinking the significance of sport and spectacle for society, identity, spectatorship, violence, gender, and the body. Forgoing sensationalistic approaches to the shows of the Roman arena, scholars now suggest that gladiators were professional performers whose preparations, combats, and rewards had “sporting” aspects.
Eileen H. Tamura
Because of the small field of educational history, the relatively small population of Asian American youths who grew up before 1970, and the nature of education being part of a larger sociocultural phenomenon, publications on Asian American education history have been relatively few—when compared with European American, African American, and Latino education histories. This essay expands on the three factors mentioned above while discussing the extant literature on Asian American education history and suggesting areas for further inquiry. The essay examines not only formal education—K–12 schooling and higher education—but also nonformal and informal education. It further discusses the use and nonuse of theory, the intersection of Asian American education history with Asian education history, and the role of international relations in influencing the education of Asian American youths.
Global patterns of labor markets, trade, international relations, and war have contributed to the complicated heterogeneity of Asian American populations and history. Although often coded as “model minorities,” ethnic Asians are characterized by vast disparities in homeland, cultural and religious practices, migration trajectories, educational and professional attainment, degrees of integration, and transnational formations.
The notion of assimilation by immigrant groups remains beset by conceptual confusion. An examination of the way that assimilation developed in the American past, especially in the period after World War II, provides a way of cutting through the conceptual fog. Key features of historical assimilation are captured by the definition of the concept in neo-assimilation theory. However, debate over the present-day role of mainstream assimilation has been renewed by the advent of segmented assimilation. Both theories can point to evidence about the second generations issuing from contemporary immigrant groups to support their claims. A mixed picture is also found in the fundamental economic and demographic trends that are prognostic about assimilation.
The Atlantic Northeast emerged as a distinctive region between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. Its largest tribal groupings were the Abenaki, Mi’kmaq, Penobscot, and other Wabanaki peoples; the Delaware and other Lenape peoples; and Mohegan, Mohican, Munsee, Narragansett, Pequot, and Wampanoag Indians. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, these peoples struggled to survive in the face of depopulation from diseases, warfare, emigration, and other effects of European, particularly English, colonization. Thereafter, they and their communities persisted, despite further marginalization in non-Native law, society, and discourse in the United States and Canada. Since the end of the nineteenth century, Native peoples have begun to resist such marginalization through greater public visibility as celebrities and activists, by regaining some lands and rights, and by proclaiming their own perspectives on their history.
David S. Shields
In 1825, the father of gastronomy, Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin, proposed that the perfection of the senses in Western history coincided with the European encounter with America. How exactly did novel sensations of pleasure and pain change people on both sides of the Atlantic? Smelling, tasting, hearing, seeing, and touching changed profoundly for those who experienced the opening of the Atlantic world. This article uses the classical ‘five senses’ organisation of Western physiology as an organising principle, doing so for convenience's sake rather than to suggest that it operated as a universal structure of sensing in every culture of Europe, Africa, and the Americas. For smelling, it concentrates on the East Indies and West Indies, for hearing on Africa and Ibero-America, for tasting Central America and the West Indies (with a side glance at Africa), and for seeing north Europe and North America.
Baseball spread beyond US borders, taking hold in the Caribbean and parts of the Pacific, but never attained the global influence that British sport achieved. A. G. Spalding’s efforts to export the game and, with it, “American” values, via his 1888–1889 circumnavigation of the world met with little success. Baseball could not dislodge British football, rugby, and cricket, which had already gained purchase abroad due to Britain’s larger global presence. In the Caribbean, where baseball became the dominant sport, Cuba, Mexico, the Dominican Republic, and other countries made the game into their own national pastimes. Baseball there, open to players of all races and nations, modeled the democratic version of sport that would not exist in US pro leagues until integration after World War II. Since then, Major League Baseball has attracted ever-greater numbers of players from abroad, first from the Caribbean and more recently from Japan and Asia.